The Land of the Free

Economics: The Land of the Free

In a period with excesses of all kinds and when anything even close to real difficulty is shunned, it's refreshing to come across a successful human endeavor which has not only survived numerous assaults but has managed to emerge invigorated as well, with a rare kind of strength.

This is the case today with the modern Apaches of Arizona.

In the beginning there was struggle, the struggle to survive against impossible odds: famine, cold and disease. And then, centuries later, new struggles were heaped on the old, when enemies invaded the land and sought to destroy him literally. utterly.

But they survived, they were the Indeeh, “the People.” Today, settled on the White Mountain and San Carlos reservations in Arizona, the Indeeh are still very much with us, not as survivors but as modernday businessmen working to achieve a place for themselves through the development of their reservation resources.

Ronnie Lupe, Chairman of the White Mountain tribe, has probably best summed up the new thrust of the Apaches: “We are striving to be a self-sufficient people who recognize the many resources of our land. And we are not afraid to tackle any problem . . . encountered in developing these resources, to the best advantage of our people.” Parentage, both the White Mountain Apache of eastern Arizona and the San Carlos Apache to the south have always lived close to the land and valued its resources. But it wasn't until midway into this century that both tribes saw the need to tap in earnest the resources of their extensive reservations.

The high plateau lands of the White Mountain Apaches contain a wealth of natural riches: virgin pine forests, streams and lakes, fish and wildlife, thousands of acres of livestock grazing lands, mineral deposits and all the necessary requirements for four-season recreation.

In contrast, although several parts of the San Carlos reservation contain mountainous timber land, a large area of the country is arid and desert-like, with thousands of acres of flat, grassy plains, cut with deep gorges and bordered by cactus studded mountains. It is a relatively harsh environment, especially in the heat of summer. But, even so, the land abounds in valuable natural resources.

One question which always seems to arise in land usage situations is: is it being done wisely and well? The answer, in terms of the Apaches' ventures into profit-making, is yes. At the present time both the White Mountain and San Carlos tribes are involved in a number of land use efforts which are either making a profit or are beneficial to the tribe in some other way. The oldest perhaps is cattle raising.The White Mountain Apaches cautiously entered the cattle business around 1900, with a small herd of cattle from Mexico. Seventeen years later, in 1917, the present day tribal herd was started with approximately 800 head of Hereford cattle, which were shipped from below the border and then driven from San Carlos to Ft. Apache.

Soon after, a ranch owned by the tribe was established and stocked with purebred bulls and carefully selected cows. Next came a slaughter house, where beef cattle could be processed for use by the tribe and for sale.

Then in 1957, operation and management procedures were improved and the enterprise became the White Mountain Tribal Herd, to be governed by a board of directors and operated by a full-time manager.

Today, the Apache's I.D. Ranch has over 1600 head of Hereford cattle grazing on its pastures, but the tribal herd is not the only cattle operation on the reservation. There are eight other cattle associations, each of which consists of a membership from 40 to 116 individuals, all of whom own their own cattle and operate independently of the tribal council.

Cattle raising also is one of the oldest and more important businesses on the San Carlos Reservation, beginning around 1910. During the 1930s, with the addition of a herd of yearling whiteface heifers, the industry growth was assured. As time went on, the once

Horseshoe Lake, on the White Mountain Apache Reservation, is one of the beautiful mountain lakes under the management of the WMA Recreation Enterprise, which is responsible for fishing, camping, hiking and hunting on over 300 miles of trout streams, 26 lakes and 1000 campgrounds.

ECONOMICS from page 20

restricted grazing land of the tribal herd became a shared resource with independent cattle associations and separate tribal herds, herds, one of which is comprised totally of registered Herefords, operated under the control of the tribal government.

Unlike their brothers to the north, however, the San Carlos Apaches have also started using the land for farming. Although a relatively new undertaking, the tribe began cultivating 200 acres in late 1974, expanding it to 600 acres in 1977, with an additional 900 acres set aside for future development.

With no premium on space immense areas of open space, with mountains, lakes, streams, forests and grasslands - recreation potential could not be long overlooked by either tribe.

It is estimated that in excess of 500,000 people visit the White Mountain Reservation annually. This is a figure of particular importance to the work of the WMA Recreation Enterprise, which today is responsible for the management of fishing on over 300 miles of trout streams, 26 lakes and earthen water tanks; campers and hikers on more than 1000 campgrounds, and hunters by the thousands ready to stalk anything from trophy elk to small game and birds.

But the real jewel in the White Mountain tribe's cache of outdoor recreation investments is Sunrise Park and Ski Lodge, near the eastern border of the reservation.

Sunrise is a modern 106-room facility, with a restaurant, bar, gift shop and Indian craft center. But the major attraction for winter sports enthusiasts is its 19 ski runs, which are among the best maintained in the country.

In addition to Sunrise, the tribe also owns and operates a number of other smaller public convenience facilities. At Hondah, for example, there is a service station, grocery store, bar and restaurant, meeting hall, motel, 17 cabins and 27 trailer spots. And at Hawley Lake, in an Alpine mountain setting some 8500 feet in elevation, there are more than 100 camp sites along the shore plus a general store, service station, cabins and a trailer park. A few other service stations and general stores are located in White River, Cibecue and Carrizo, and at Reserve and Horseshoe lakes.

Right) Fireweed and Sunflower skirt the headwaters of the White River on the Apache Reservation. Preserving this kind of natural beauty is one of the major factors in the Apaches' program for resource development.

ECONOMICS from page 25

To the south, on the San Carlos Reservation, much the same kind of activity is going on, as the tribe works to build its recreational facilities.

At Seneca Lake, on highway 60, about 35 miles north of Globe, a major expansion program is now underway, which includes the development of 140 camp sites, building new and improving existing walking trails, and refurbishing an old store, restaurant and gas station. It is already open for fishing, camping and picnicking, but the major facilities won't be ready until early 1978.

Other areas involved in development plans are San Carlos and Point of Pines lakes, the Black River and dozens of small ponds and streams, all of which are popular with anglers. A goodly portion of the land is also game habitat, where elk, white tail deer, bear, mountain lion and javelina are hunted, along with such small game as rabbits, squirrels, quail, dove, ducks, and geese.

From what we've described so far it may seem that the two tribes have progressed in almost similar directions and with similar goals. But that's true only in part. There also are special areas of endeavor unique to each of the two reservations. The White Mountain Lumber industry is a prime example.

In 1954, the tribe began lumbering on a small scale. Then in 1963, spurred by a $2 million loan from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, they began major logging and mill operations.

Today, the tribe owns extensive saw and planing mill works in White River and another sawmill at Cibecue.

To help strike a balance with Mother Nature and keep their forests at top producing levels, tree harvests are quickly followed with vigorous re-planting programs. Modern auto-mated and containerized greenhouses raise seedlings ready for planting in six months, a process that normally takes two years. To make the investment doubly profitable the tribe also grows seedlings for the San Carlos Reservation and a limited supply for the Mescalero Apache and Navajo reservations.

Tséé Yó Ba Gowa means "house of rock jewelry," the name the San Carlos Apaches have given to their peridot program, a gemstone and jewelry development of recent years which holds considerable promise for future cash returns.

Started in 1973 as a government-funded self-help project, the program today involves both Apache men and women in tumbling, cutting and polish-ing stones for mounting in handmade silver and gold jewelry. Other stones, both finished and unfinished, are exported to off-reservation sources.

Although in its infancy, the peridot program at San Carlos has all the earmarks of growing into a substantial source of new income, perhaps even rivaling the tribe's new jojoba nut industry.

The jojoba, a waxy broad leafed ever-green shrub which grows on the reservation at an elevation of 2000 to 4000 feet, produces a nut-like seed contain-ing a liquid wax which can be used in a broad range of products, from lubricants, cosmetics, pharmaceutical preparations and food additives to supplements, polishes, candles and more.

Actually, as the tribe has discovered, the entire jojoba shrub is useful in a variety of ways: the nut can be used as a fertilizer; the seed hulls, as a mulch-soil amendment; the shrub itself, as browse for deer, cattle, sheep and goats, and as an ornamental planting through-out the Southwest.

(Left) An Apache cowgirl demonstrates her barrel-racing skills at the White Mountain Apache Rodeo. Jerry D. Jacka (Below) It may look like your little 'Tabby' but the resemblance ends there. Many wild animals, including the Bob Cat shown here, can be found on the Fort Apache Reservation. Gill C. Kenny (Far right) A sign of the times at the White Mountain Apache Tribal Fair.

(Right) Peridot jewelry making, begun in 1973, is expected to one day become a major source of income for the San Carlos Apaches. Jewelry samples courtesy Godber's Gift Shops, Phoenix.

(Below) Striking design and fine workmanship are hallmarks of Apache beadwork. Courtesy Lee's Indian Crafts, Phoenix. Photographs by Jerry Jacka Today, under the auspices of the Apache Marketing Cooperative, Inc., and with the help of the University of Arizona, the program is well underway on the San Carlos Reservation.

But while development of the jojoba is expected to provide a host of new products and new markets in the future, the San Carlos Apaches aren't waiting around to put it to good use. They are now using jojoba oil wax as the mainstay for another growing business candle making Manufactured in a variety of sizes, shapes and colors, the most popular candles are colored tapered models and others encased in hand carved sections of cottonwood and sycamore root. Already they are finding their way into specialty shops throughout the country.

What will all this mean to the Apache, culturally? What impact will it have on the old tribal ways? It is impossible to say at this time. Undoubtedly, the contrasts between old traditions and the rapid pace of our modern society must confuse and often discourage many of the Apache people. However, it is quite obvious that any confusion or discouragement which may exist has been overshadowed by the determination of the Apache people to succeed in the white man's world. And they are doing just that. Four words appearing on a large banner at the 1976 White Mountain Apache Tribal Fair and Rodeo sum it all up: "Apache spirit is... forever!"

FOR MORE INFORMATION ABOUT THE APACHES, or any of the

material dealt with in this special issue concerning their history, arts and crafts, business ventures or recreation on the reservations, please write: THE WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE TRIBE P.O. BOX 708 WHITERIVER, AZ. 85941 THE SAN CARLOS APACHE TRIBE P.O. BOX "0" SAN CARLOS, AZ. 85550

HISTORY from page 9

The people knew their men far too well to make a faulty choice of leaders.

The Western Apache drew a sharp distinction between raiding (called “to search out enemy property” in the native language) and warfare (“to take death from an enemy”). Raiding expeditions were organized for the primary purpose of stealing livestock. On the other hand, war parties had as their main objective to avenge the death of a kinsman who had lost his life in battle.

Raids were organized in response to a shortage of food. Whenever it became apparent that the meat supply of a local group was running low, some individual, usually an older woman, would publicly draw attention to the fact and urge that plans be made to capture enemy livestock. Within a few days it was expected that the local group's chief would step forth and volunteer his services as leader. Having announced when he intended to leave and against whom the raid would be directed, he issued a call for followers. All ablebodied men were eligible to go, providing they had participated successfully in the so-called “novice complex,” a period of instruction during which adolescent boys were introduced to both the practical and ritual aspects of raiding.

Raiding parties were normally composed of from 5 to 15 men. (Larger numbers were discouraged because the success of a raid depended almost entirely upon being able to travel without being seen.) The party proceeded slowly until it moved into enemy territory. Here the pace quickened, special measures at concealment were taken, and a number of ritual proscriptions went into effect, including the use of a special “warpath language.” More than anything else, Western Apache raiders attempted to avoid armed conflict not out of fear, but because it would reveal their position and numbers, alert the enemy for miles around, and increase the chances of being intercepted on the way home.

Raids normally took place in the early hours of the morning. Two or three men approached the enemy's herd on foot and moved it as silently as possible in the direction of an open trail. Here the livestock was encircled by the remainder of the party and driven off. Speed was imperative on the journey home, and it was not unusual for raiders to go without sleep for as many as four or five days. As soon as the party was secure within the borders of its own territory, a messenger was sent ahead to inform those who had stayed behind that the venture had been a success.

Whereas raiding expeditions drew their personnel entirely from the men of a single local group, war parties were recruited primarily on the basis of kinship. It was the responsibility of a warrior's maternal relatives to avenge his death, and this applied to clan kin as well as to those more immediate relatives who resided in his local group.

Apache war strategy: send out scouts to locate the target; surround it at night; and attack in early morning ambush.

War parties were composed of as many as 200 men under the direction of a single leader. In addition, there was at least one religious specialist, or “medicine man,” whose primary duties were to encourage proper conduct on the journey, and, through the use of supernatural power, to look into the future and predict the outcome of the impending conflict. Prior to battle, if the chances of a victory appeared good, the medicine man might also perform a short ceremonial intended to afford protection against the enemy and instill the will to fight.

Western Apache warriors preferred to attack the town or village where their kinsman had lost his life, and sometimes it was possible to single out the individual who had done the actual killing. The basic strategy was always the same: send out scouts to locate the target, surround it in full force during the night, and attack in early morning ambush. When the fighting was over, the expedition's leader might might suggest that his men keep going and strike elsewhere, but in most instances a single victory was considered sufficient, especially if moving on meant the forfeiture of captured livestock.

A substantial portion of Western Apache “world view” found expression in a complex cycle of myths that described the creation of the universe and the sequence of stages by which it reached its present form. These myths, together with those comprising another cycle that dealt with the origin of religious ceremonials and supernatural powers, were considered sacred and could only be narrated under special circumstances to audiences composed of older people. Two other myth-cycles, which recounted the adventures of Coyote and Big Owl respectively, were free of such restrictions and served as vehicles of instruction and amusement for children and adults alike.

Under the watchful supervision of a powerful deity, In Charge of Life, the earth was shaped by Black Wind, Black Metal, Black Thunder, and Black Water. At first the earth was bare and suffered in the cold. Seeing this, Black Thunder gave hair to the earth in the form of grasses and trees. Then Black Water gave blood to the earth in the form of streams and rivers. Black Metal next gave bones to the earth in the form of rocks and mountains. Finally, Black Wind gave breath to the earth in the form of wind. Now the earth was alive.

The first human beings to inhabit the earth emerged from beneath its surface, but life was difficult because of evil creatures who devoured them and stole their women. During this difficult time, a young woman named Changing Woman became pregnant and gave birth to twin sons. One of them was the son of Sun, the other the son of Black Water. When the first twin, called Slayer of Monsters, reached adolescence he traveled to the home of his father.

Initially, Sun refused to acknowledge the boy as his offspring and made him undergo a number of arduous tests to prove his claim. With the help of Spider, Fly, Gopher, and other supernatural powers, Slayer of Monsters passed the tests. Now Sun was satisfied and gave the boy proper Apache clothing, a bow and arrows, and horses. Slayer of Monsters returned to earth with these things

and taught the people how to use them. Then he and his half-brother killed the creatures that had been causing trouble and death. The earth was now a good place to live.

Of all the figures in Western Apache mythology, none was so fondly regarded as Coyote. Exemplifying all the strengths and weaknesses of man himself, Coyote was both admirable and pathetic, dignified and ridiculous. It was Coyote who first showed the Apache how to make a living, teaching them to plant corn, gather mescal, make baskets, construct roasting pits, and smoke tobacco. But it was also Coyote who tried to steal fire from Sun and burned his tail, who lied to Rabbit and subsequently lost his eyesight, and who boasted of his physical prowess to Badger and got horribly mauled in the competition that followed.

However, whenever Coyote behaved foolishly there was a moral lesson behind his actions, and Apache parents were quick to point it out to children. "Don't do like Coyote did," they would say. "He did many bad things long ago, but because he did these things, don't you do them."

The term diiyi 'supernatural power' was used by the Western Apache to denote one or all of a set of abstract and invisible forces that were believed to emanate from certain classes of animals, plants, minerals, celestial bodies, and mythological figures. These forces were construed as being every bit as "real" as their visible sources, and, although they had access to supraterrestrial regions denied to man, they regularly intruded into his midst and became involved in his affairs.

According to Apache belief, there was an inexhaustible supply of each type of power in the universe. A small amount could be acquired by man and brought under his control, but the remainder stayed free to act on its own. This latter portion did not possess moral sanctity and was not inherently benevolent. To the contrary, if a power was antagonized by what it considered disrespectful behavior, or if it was used by someone motivated by "evil thoughts," it was capable of causing illness and misfortune.

A supernatural power could be put to a variety of purposes, and every Apache who possessed one had to learn through trial and error what it was capable of doing. If a power failed at one type of activity, its owner took note and refrained from using it for that purpose again. Alternatively, if the power succeeded at some task, its owner gained confidence and was encouraged to call for a repeat performance. In this way, through protracted experimentation, an Apache was able to discover what his power could accomplish.

The knowledge necessary to perform religious ceremonials was detailed and extensive, and a Western Apache could acquire it only through prolonged instruction from an established religious specialist. This instruction, which focused primarily on the acquisition of chants, required payment and frequently lasted several years. During theperiod of instruction, student and teacher lived together, alone, and at a distance from other people, which allowed them to work undisturbed.

Despite the effort and expense involved, the rewards of acquiring a ceremonial far outweighed the costs. Confident in the ritual's capacity to benefit himself as well as other people, a medicine man felt well-equipped to deal with life's uncertainties and hardships.

Thus the training of a young medicine man was welcomed by Apaches as an event from which everyone stood to benefit, for medicine men served as indispensable links between the realm of human beings and the realm of supernatural powers. When relations between the inhabitants of these two realms were disturbed, bringing sickness and misfortune, only persons with ceremonial knowledge could intervene, repair the damage, and restore the balance.

The majority of Western Apache ceremonials were directed towards curing, but several, including very important rituals relating to male and female puberty, were held for other purposes. All ceremonials had a definite structure, with elements such as items of ritual paraphernalia, sand paintings, masked dancers, stylized gestures, chants and prayers that were dictated by fixed associations as well as the preference of individual medicine men. Although many of the same elements appeared in different ceremonials, some were restricted to particular types.

Thus, while each type contained some elements that were unique to it, much of the inventory was common to all. The principal therapeutic effects of Western Apache curing ceremonials were accomplished through the provision of encouragement and reassurance. Long before a ceremonial took place in fact, prior to diagnosis the patient was told that a cure would be forthcoming. On the eve of the ritual, myths describing its origin and potency reiterated the same theme, and during the actual proceedings chants and prayers requested over and over again that sickness be sent away so that “goodness” might return in its place. In addition, those who attended ceremonials included nearly all the persons of importance to the patient his kinsmen, children, and friends. These people, the patient knew, were genuinely concerned about his health and wanted to see him well. There was also the authority of the medicine man who, by his very presence and esoteric knowledge, assured the patient that everything possible was being done to bring about his recovery. For many centuries skillful physicians have recognized that a desire to get well, together with a belief that one will eventually recover, can be immensely beneficial. Furthermore, it is a well established fact that a variety of physical disabilities ultimately stem from psychic disorders. Apache curing ceremonials produced positive results by reinforcing the patient's own desire to be cured. In so doing, they relieved him of anxiety and fear and instilled a sense of security which enabled him to face the future with rejuvenated optimism and hope.

When the Gadsden Purchase was finally ratified in 1853 all of Arizona came under the control of the United States of America, and shortly thereafter Anglo settlers and prospectors, lured by hopes of taking wealth from the land, began to intrude upon the domain of the Western Apache. At first the Indians were wary but peaceful, believing that the white men, like themselves, would wish to fight the Mexicans. However, as soon as it became apparent that the Anglos intended to put a stop to Apache raiding, apprehension flared into open hostility. The result was a harsh, tragic, and bitterly immoral war that lasted nearly 40 years and ended with the irreversible defeat of the Western Apache and their consignment to reservations. Initially, the struggle was confined to western New Mexico and southeastern Arizona, leaving all but a few of the Western Apache bands free to continue their raids into Mexico. But in 1863, the year Arizona became a territory, gold was discovered in the heart of Northern Tonto country and troubles began. Soldiers stationed at Fort Whipple near Prescott killed indiscriminately, and private citizens took to organizing “Indian-hunting parties.” On one infamous occasion, a group of Apaches were given poisoned food while participating in what they had been told was a peace conference. Understandably, the Indians responded with attacks of their own, and for a time it appeared that the Anglos would be forced to abandon central Arizona. By 1870 it was clear that the Territory of Arizona lacked the military means to exterminate the Apaches. The number of forts continued to grow, but the Army was undermanned and unable to formulate a clear plan for dealing with the problem. Following the Camp Grant Massacre in 1871, during which a mob of enraged citizens from Tucson and a group of Papago Indians slaughtered more than 75 Western Apache women and children, the federal government implemented a new “Peace Policy.” This policy was designed to put an end to the Army's fumblings and to curtail the illicit activities of corrupt civilian agents. The Peace Policy called for the collection of all Apaches on reservations. The Indians would be settled on their own lands, given protection against Anglos, and encouraged to make a living through agriculture and the raising of livestock. In 1871-72 four areas were hurriedly designated as Apache reservations. A large tract of land was marked off around Fort Apache, this to be the home of the Cibecue people and the northern bands of the White Mountain division. In central Arizona, Camp Verde became headquarters for the Northern and Southern Tonto as well as some bands of Yavapai. An area around Camp Grant was set aside for the San Carlos Apache and the southern White Mountain bands.

Meanwhile, General George Crook assumed formal command of the Department of Arizona. From the outset, Crook was skeptical of the new Peace Policy. Some Apaches had moved onto reservations but a large number stayed away. Everywhere the Indians were restless and fearful. Camp Grant was abandoned when fresh troubles arose, and new headquarters were established at San Carlos on the Gila River. Sporadic raids by the Apache continued, and the suspicion grew that a massive outbreak was imminent.

Crook was convinced that forceful action was necessary and when Apache attacks intensified in the Prescott region he embarked upon a campaign to round up all Indians who were not settled on reservations. In the winter of 1872, Crook began a series of vigorous oper-ations against the Tonto Apache and within a few months succeeded in deal-ing them a resounding defeat. Several hundred Tontos lay dead, and the rem-nants of their shattered families were taken captive at Camp Verde. A degree of tranquility was restored to central Arizona, and General Crook was hailed a hero.

In 1874 the Department of the Interior embarked upon a "removal program" which had as its main objective the concentration of all Western Apache, together with large numbers of Chiricahua Apache and Yavapai, on the reservation at San Carlos. Centralizing the Indians, it was hoped, would make them easier to control. The removal strategy appeared sound, but its implementation had unforeseen consequences none of them altogether surprising that probably did more to prolong the Apache wars than bring them to a close.

In February of 1875 more than 1400 Tonto Apaches and Yavapais were brought to San Carlos from Camp Verde. They were followed several months later by a large body of White Mountain and Cibecue people from the region around Fort Apache. In 1875, a group of 325 Chiricahuas came to San Carlos, although the most hostile factions, under the leadership of recalcitrants such as Juh and Geronimo, remained at large. With the removal in 1877 of Chiricahua chief Victorio and 400 of his followers the number of Indians at San Carlos rose to above 5000.

There were problems from the start. Many of the groups living at San Carlos had never before been associated with one another, and their new proximity gave rise to tension and suspicion. In addition, factional disputes arose, especially among the Chiricahua. Some ele-ments, weary of the hardships of war, favored peace and were prepared to settle down. Others found the condi-tions at San Carlos unbearable and waited for a chance to escape.

Victorio bolted from San Carlos six months after he arrived, taking with him over 300 men, women, and children. He surrendered voluntarily at Ojo Caliente in New Mexico in the fall of 1879, only to break again and launch upon a series of depredations, which threw the entire Southwest into panic. By 1884 a measure of peace had been restored and several groups of Apaches, including Geronimo and a small band of dissident Chiricahuas, were taken to Fort Apache. Here, under strict supervision, they set about the construction of irrigation dams and the planting of crops. The Indians at Fort Apache adjusted to the new conditions as best they could. Internal strife was kept to a minimum and there were no outbreaks.

The calm was shattered in the spring of 1885, however, when Geronimo The Peace Policy called for the collection of all Apaches on reservations...to make a living through agriculture and the raising of livestock.

broke from Fort Apache, taking with him 33 men, 8 boys of fighting age, and 92 women and children. Remarkably, the Indians avoided capture for 16 months but finally, having been pursued into Mexico, they agreed to surrender. Not long thereafter, they were taken to a railroad heading at Holbrook, Arizona, loaded into boxcars, and shipped to Fort Marion, Florida. The next few years saw scattered renegade action, but by 1890 the Apache wars were over.

Throughout the conflict the Western Apache suffered less severely than the Chiricahua. Fewer Western Apaches were killed, and, except for their removal to San Carlos in the middle 1870s, they were not forcibly uprooted from their original homelands. Of all the Western Apache divisions, the Tontos were the hardest hit, but even they recovered and have managed to survive at Camp Verde, Middle Verde, Rimrock, Clarkdale, and a small community near Payson. From the beginning, the Cibecue and White Mountain Apache were the least disturbed and responded to reservation conditions with only a moderate amount of social upheaval. But the awful truth remained that a way of life had been destroyed, and Apaches everywhere knew that it could never be restored.

With the fighting finally over, the United States government turned its attention to the modification of Western Apache culture, in an attempt to prepare the Indians for eventual assimilation into Anglo society. Three objectives were accorded primary importance. One of these was the economic development of reservations to a point that would provide the Indians with a reliable and sufficient means of support. Another was the opening of schools so that Apache children could be taught the rudiments of "civilization," and at the same time be persuaded to relinquish their native language and customs. The third objective was the establishment of churches and the eventual conversion of all Apaches to Christianity.

Nearly a century after these efforts were begun, it can safely be said that none of them has been wholly successful. Although exploitation of reservation resources has increased steadily, a number of Apaches continue to find themselves the victims of poverty. Practically all Apache children now learn English, but their first and preferred language is still Western Apache. Christian missionaries have made a number of dedicated converts, but native ceremonials are still conducted by medicine men and traditional myths are still invoked to explain the origin and structure of the universe. In short, despite important economic and social changes, many Western Apaches remain on the borderland of national American society, retaining a cultural system that is distinctively their own.

Economic development proceeded slowly at first, especially on the Fort Apache Reservation, where the old pursuits of hunting and gathering, together with intensified agricultural activity, sufficed to meet basic subsistence needs and made extensive rationing unnecessary. However, shortly before the turn of the century, when the Indian population was estimated at 1811, significant numbers of Apaches began to work for wages and augment their traditional foodstuffs with flour, coffee, sugar, and beans. In 1907 over 80 men were employed by the U.S. Cavalry to cut hay for horses stabled at Fort Apache, and by 1910 several dozen others worked as cowboys for Anglo cattle ranchers who leased portions of the reservation for grazing land.

Eleven years later, in 1918, the population had risen to 2456 and the federal

(Right) Fierce-eyed Victorio, famous Mimbres Apache war chief, was very active against both Mexican and U.S. troops throughout the 1870s. He was killed in 1880 by Mexican soldiers near Tres Castillos, Chihuahua, Mexico.

(Below) General George Crook in his familiar pith helmet, poses with his Apache scouts, Alchesay, right, and Dutchy. Crook was in command of the Department of Arizona from 1871 to 1873, during the Tonto Basin Campaign, and again from 1882 to 1886, when he returned to deal with Geronimo. Photography Courtesy Arizona Historical Society

(Left) Gathering firewood in a basket made of yucca fibers, 1900.

(Below) Chiricahua Apache males play the hoop and pole game at San Carlos, during the early part of this century. Long poles are thrown at small hoops rolled along the ground.

(Far right) Grinding corn with the traditional mano and metate, 1900.

(Right) A certain deftness was required of Apache women in the making of a variety of baskets for camp use, 1900. Photography Courtesy Arizona Historical Society. The economic base of reservation society was further expanded during the early 1920s through the establishment of a lumbering operation which has since become a major industry. And in 1954 the White Mountain Apache Tribe, by this time a legally constituted body governed by an elected Tribal Council, responded to the outdoor interests of increasing numbers of Anglo tourists by establishing a Recreation Enterprise to sell hunting and fishing licenses, develop camping areas, and build summer cabins and homes. Recently a fully-equipped ski resort has been constructed at Sunrise near Mount Baldy.

government issued 400 cattle to the Apache themselves, starting 80 families in the livestock business by giving five beeves to each family head. This experiment almost failed, but it was not abandoned and eventually became very successful.

Despite important strides in the direction of economic self-sufficiency, a number of difficulties remain on both the San Carlos and Fort Apache reservations. To begin with, there is a shortage of full-time on-reservation jobs. Second, any job, regardless of its location, that threatens to separate an Apache from his family and kinsmen for long periods of time, is likely to be rejected. Third, alcoholism and its attendant disabilities prevent some individuals from securing employment or working effectively for more than a few days. Fourth, a significant number of Apaches have come to rely heavily on welfare benefits which, though less remunerative than working for wages, allow them to stay at home with relatives and friends. Nevertheless, there can be no question that significant progress has been made, and it seems certain that the Apaches' standard of living will continue to rise.

The forces that altered Western Apache economy also produced changes in social organization. Foremost among these was the formation of villages in the vicinity of trading posts and schools and the concomitant disappearance of bands and local groups. In 1880, for example, there were three bands in the Cibecue area composed of 13 local groups. A sub-agency was established on Cibecue Creek in 1882, and shortly thereafter local groups in the surrounding territory began to settle nearby. With the opening of a grade school at Cibecue (and enforcement there of regular attendance) the old pattern of "wintering below" in the Salt and Gila River valleys came to an end. Now, people who had formerly lived apart took up permanent residence together. Simultaneously, the clan system assumed greater importance than ever before. In Cibecue, as in other Western Apache settlements, clan members who had been separated by great distances found themselves in daily contact, with the result that concerted action as a body became decidedly easier.

In pre-reservation times major subsistence activities were carried out by groups of kinsmen who felt compelled to share the rewards of their labor with one another. This is less true today. The cash and credit system imposed upon the Western Apache by Anglos placed unprecedented value on the willingness of individuals to work for and by themselves, thus producing significant modifications in the composition of work parties and the functions of kinship groups. The most noticeable of these changes has been the emergence of the single-family household as a primary economic unit.

The members of such a household cooperate very closely, and most of their income is kept within the family to purchase essentials such as food and clothing. However, the household has not yet become an autonomous social group. To the contrary, its welfare is tightly bound up with that of other households. Although the modern family cluster no longer provides the organizational framework for activities such as food-gathering, the loss of this function has in no way damaged its internal cohesiveness.

The women, who form its core, are together almost constantly washing clothes, grinding corn, collecting firewood, cooking, and helping care for each other's children. It is common for Apaches to liken these women to the trunk of a tree, their children to the tree's branches, and their husbands to its leaves. "The leaves may drop off," they say, "but the trunk and branches never break."

As part of the program to assimilate Western Apaches into Anglo-American society, several government and mis-sion schools were built on the Fort Apache and San Carlos reservations between 1895 and 1922. At these insti-tutions Apache children were taught to speak the English language, to read and write, to farm, make clothing, and pre-pare "proper foods." At the same time, the children were subjected to harsh discipline. Runaways, therefore, were common, and some Apaches developed a profound dislike for Anglo methods of education.

(Right) An unused barracks building at the Fort Apache military post served as the first classroom for Indian students on the White Mountain Reservation in 1892. Discipline was harsh and runaways were common.

Photography Courtesy Arizona Historical Society Education facilities as well as instructional techniques have been greatly improved in recent years, but even so there are serious problems. Many Apache students do poorly in school. The scholastic achievement of teenagers falls consistently below non-Indian norms and dropout rates are high. Few Apaches advance beyond high school and only a handful have graduated from college.

According to Edward Parmee, who made a study of the educational system at San Carlos in 1961, its "orientation was towards the assimilation of Apaches into the Anglo culture, an aim which was diametrically opposed to the desires of most Apaches. Efforts to bring the goals and operation of the program into more extended agreement with the needs of the Apache people were either weak or non-existent." Although sincere and creative attempts have been made to solve these problems in recent years, Apache children continue to go to school in the face of serious obstacles. There is an urgent need to further improve the system as quickly and effectively as possible.

Christian missionaries have been present on the San Carlos and Fort Apache reservations for well over 70 years. At first, the population they sought to convert was anything but receptive. Still recovering from the shock of defeat and subjugation, the Western Apache were more concerned with survival than salvation. The missionaries experienced little active resistance, but neither did they make much progress. For the most part, it appears, the Apache simply ignored them.

In response to the deprivation and tensions generated by a new and unsatisfactory style of living, the indigenous ceremonial system flourished vigorously. In 1901, a visitor to Fort Apache reported that "There was a ceremony almost every night. Somewhere drums are always to be heard." Then, after 1900, several influential medicine men emerged who founded religious cults aimed at improving existing conditions.

Through all these events the Anglo missionaries stayed on, and when the turbulence of the early reservation years died down, their numbers increased. Adobe churches were replaced by churches of wood and stone, and Apache interpreters were found to translate the Bible. It is difficult to determine how the Indians reacted to this kind of recruiting, but by 1940 there were definite signs that factors having little connection with the missionary effort were undermining the ceremonial system.

For one thing, ceremonials were becoming more and more costly. The major expense in any ceremonial undertaking was always tied up with procuring enough food to provide all who attended with a generous meal. During pre-reservation times, herds of stolen livestock and the spoils of year-round hunting provided the necessary surplus. But raiding had become a thing of the past, and, with the confinement of the Apache to reservations, hunting had been limited to government-imposed "seasons."

ing enough food to provide all who attended with a generous meal. During pre-reservation times, herds of stolen livestock and the spoils of year-round hunting provided the necessary surplus. But raiding had become a thing of the past, and, with the confinement of the Apache to reservations, hunting had been limited to government-imposed "seasons."

As the traditional economy gave way to a system based on monetary exchange, the Apache were forced to rely more and more on trading posts. Here, of course, purchases had to be made with U.S. currency or other commodities to which Anglos attached equivalent worth. But money was not plentiful, and few families had personal possessions valuable enough to buy food in the quantity necessary for cere-monial feasts.

Although modern Western Apache ritual is decidedly cure-oriented, it does not conflict directly with the medical services provided today by Anglo hos-pitals. On the contrary, the Apache recognize that a wide range of physical symptoms respond effectively to West-ern medicine. But they also believe that in other critical areas such as the treatment of psychological disorders and the bestowal of protection against illness caused by supernatural powers medicine men are unquestionably more skillful.

The history of the Western Apache has been a process of continual adjustment to changing ecological and social environments. Prior to the establishment of reservations, this process was shaped in significant ways by the Apache themselves who, free of domination, exercised powerful controls over the conditions under which they lived. Today, of course, the situation is different. For over a century, the Western Apache have endured as a subjugated people, their destiny resting precariously in the hands of a foreign government whose concern for the welfare of American Indians has been sporadic and inconsistent. As a result, the Apache have suffered deeply and greatly. Yet they have sur-vived, guarding and preserving substantial portions of their own culture in the face of sustained efforts to destroy it. Most adult Apaches are aware of the cultural losses that have already occurred and are hopeful that this process can be retarded. However, they also recognize the need for their children to receive a useful education, one which will prepare them to find a place in a world not of their own making.

The dilemma is profound and yields to no easy solution. One thing, how-ever, is abundantly clear: modern Apache leaders are in fundamental agreement that the time is long overdue for a full and complete restoration of the people's right to govern themselves and determine the course of their own affairs. How the Western Apache will meet the formidable challenge of selfgovernment remains to be seen. It will be difficult. Mistakes will be made, disputes will arise, and factions will develop. But the mistakes will be Apache mistakes, and the disputes will involve Apaches, and the factions will be opposed according to differences of Apache opinion. The costs of conflict may be high and disruptive of the social order. But the Western Apache will have regained a measure of their former independence and established a firmer claim upon their future.

Author's Note: The author wishes to voice his deep appreciation and on-going thanks to the Western Apache — and especially to the Apaches of Cibecue — for their unfailing kindness, their ready generosity, and their incisive and sophisticated instruction. A special expression of gratitude is extended to the following people: Ned and Delphina Anderson, Maggie Anderson, Homer and Ramona Beatty, Milton Campbell, Philip Cassadore, Liz Cooley, Morley and Lorraine Cromwell, Francis and Sarah Dehose, Silas John Edwards, Nel-son Lupe, Ronnie Lupe, Ernest and Cosetta Murphy, Dudley Patterson, Annie Peaches, Rupee Peaches, Edgar Perry, Roy and Nannie Quay, Alvin Quay, Ervin Quay, Lansford Quay, Vincent Randall, Nashley Tessay, Frances Williams, and finally to the finest of friends to Calvert and Darlene Tessay. This article is dedicated to the Tessay's youngest daughter: Norma Jean, age 11.

Editor's Note: For much of the historical photography illustrating this article and related supplementary information about the Apaches, we are indebted to the Library of the Arizona Historical Society, and most especially to Lorris Davisson, Research Specialist, and Susan Luebbermann, Photographer.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Basso, Keith H. 1970 The Cibecue Apache. New York: New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.

Faulk, Odie B. 1970 Arizona: A Short History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Goddard, Pliny E. 1919 Myths and Tales from the White Mountain Apache. Anthropological Publications of the American Museum of Natural History 24. New York.

1920 White Mountain Apache Texts. Anthropological Publications of the American Museum of Natural History 25. New York.

Goodwin, Grenville 1942 The Social Organization of the Western Apache. University of Chicago Press.

Kroeber, Alfred L. 1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 38. Berkeley.

Spicer, Edward H. 1967 Cycles of Conquest. 2nd ed. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Vogt, Evon Z. 1961 Navaho. Pp. 278-336 in Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change, Edward H. Spicer, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

(Inside back cover) Gusta Thompson, master weaver, with a sampling of her highly prized coiled basketry. Jerry Jacka (Back Cover) Big Lake on the White River Apache Reservation, bathed in an unforgettable pastel afterglow. Dick Dietrich