Apache basket weaver
Apache basket weaver

Indications of old, and in their place are age, residence, and “good moral character” requirements. Too, in place of the unwritten laws of the past are a constitution and by-laws. So the old order changeth.

Like the Navajos, the Apaches have had no concept of tribal leadership. Great are the problems, then, of a council which aims to administer to the entire tribe.

San Carlos Apaches are vitally interested in education; they passed their own ordinance that all children between the ages of six and eighteen be required to attend school. Non-attendance at school is not the major problem among the Apaches that it is among the Navajos. On both Apache Reservations school facilities are more adequate. Also, non-Indian schools are more available to the children of this tribe.

Despite all this, and in spite of the fact that many Apaches have accepted homes, dress, and customs of the white man, many of the ways of life from the past survive. Mother-in-law taboo is still prevalent. Matrilineal descent is still recognized. Many ceremonies are strictly native, and some material culture has survived contacts with white men.

The old type Apache home, the wickiup, can still be seen on both Reservations. A large, domed affair, it has a skeleton framework of branches covered with layers of bear grass. Like the Navajo hogan, the doorway is to the east. A small copy of this serves as a sweat lodge.

Late nineteenth century dress styles, which replaced twopiece buckskin garments, are still popular among many Apache women. This is a long, full, and tiered skirt, worn with a loose blouse. Although gay in colorful cottons and synthetic materials, Apache dress does not include the quantities of jewelry so typical of the Navajo. Men wear typical cowboy outfits, adding a brighter shirt for special occasions.

The sun, moon, and winds play an important part in Apache religion. So, too, does White Painted Woman; she seems to be the Apache version of the Navajo Changing Woman, a personification of the seasons and nature. To the Apaches, she is also the ideal of womanhood.

Like the Navajos, the Apaches have many myths telling of their origins, their gods, their migration. Their myths tell of heroes who established patterns of behavior or who brought to the Apache his learning and lore. Myth and legend are so like the Navajos that one is tempted to accept common origins for the two tribes.

A puberty rite or Coming Out ceremony is perhaps the most important surviving ritual among the Apaches. Young maidens are ushered through a four days' ceremony during which they are associated with White Painted Woman. The initiate enters the period a girl and comes out a woman, ready to take her place in Apache society. She is assisted throughout by a godmother and a medicine man. Friends and relatives from far and near join in the festivities; they, too, benefit from the blessings of A TOUR WITH COLOR CAMERA TO SOME OF THE INTERESTING INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN ARIZONA.

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“HAVASUPAI HORSEMAN” BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; daylight Ektachrome; f.16 at 1/10th sec. 6" Xenar lens; month of May, sunny day. Mooney Falls is the tallest of three spectacular drops in Havasu Creek, deep in the Grand Canyon of Arizona. The canyon (above the falls) is inhabited by the Havasupai Indians in their village-Supai. This picture was taken from a trail overlooking the falls. The canyon floor and village are reached only by trail and Indian ponies can be hired for the trip and for the trails in the vicinity, such as this one. Havasupai Indians are expert horsemen. Narrow trails into the canyon from the rim can only be travelled by foot or horseback.

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“PAPAGO SAGUARO HARVEST” BY WESTERN WAYS. 4x5 Graphic View camera; daylight Ektachrome; between 16 and 22 at 1/10th sec.; 4.7 Ektar lens; very bright day in June; 500. Scene-Papago Indian Reservation at Sells. Take State Highway 86 from Tucson to Sells. About ten miles northwest of Sells you come to the little settlement of Santa Rosa, then about five miles north of Santa Rosa this saguaro forest is found. Near Santa Rosa the Papagos make camps each year to gather the saguaro fruit. Only one family uses one area, about two miles square. The Papago family takes a camping outfit for sleeping, cooking and picking the fruit. They use a traditional long stick (from fifteen to forty feet in length) called a kuibut. The crosspiece (called a matsuguen) is used to pull the fruit loose. The women start out as soon as it is light, gather a basketful and return for breakfast. Then they gather two more loads, and stay in camp during the heat of the day. Two or three trips in the late afternoon completes the day's gathering. Ripe fruit is selected-red on outside and already burst open. The center meaty section is taken back to camp-the outer rind is thrown away. At camp everyone eats all the raw fruit they want. Balance is mixed with water and the juice drained off for drinking. The pulp is put in the boiling olla over the fire and boiled down, then strained through loose-woven baskets. The juice is put back on the fire and boiled down to a syrup. The pulp is spread out to dry. Then pulp is dried completely and can be stored as dried fruit pulp or made into jam before they leave camp. The seed is saved as food for chickens and pigs-or roasted and ground up into powder and mixed with sugar.

“APACHE CEREMONIAL” BY PETE BALESTRERO. 4x5 Speed Graphic camera; daylight Ektachrome; f.8 at 1/50th sec.; 4.7 Ektar lens; early July; noon, bright sunlight; 400. SceneFort Apache Indian Reservation, eighteen miles southeast of Show Low, a few miles from U.S. Highway 60 and State Highway 73. As a part of the Apache Puberty Rites, corn pollen is sprinkled on the head of the young Apache girl. This is one of the most colorful of all Apache Ceremonies.

“NAVAJO HOGAN AND SAND PAINTING” BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; daylight Ektachrome; f.8 at 1/50th sec.; 6" Xenar lens; April, one 22B flash bulb. This scene is in a Navajo hogan on the Navajo Indian Reservation in northern Arizona. The sand painting was used as part of a healing ceremony. It is not easy to get permission to photograph an Indian sand painting during a ceremonial. In this case the other Indians preferred to move out of view and pictures could be taken only when the Medicine man gave his permission.

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“APACHE CEREMONY" BY RAY MANLEY. 5x7 Linhof camera; Ektachrome, daylight type film; f.8 at 1/25th sec.; 8½" Symar lens; mid-October with heavy overcast; ASA rating 100. Picture was made at bridge crossing the White River one half mile west of Fort Apache. These are Apache cowboys who run the registered Apache herd. They had just brought over a thousand head down to Whiteriver where they will segregate the ones for sale and drive them another thirty miles to McNary for auction. Photographing cattle is always an interesting challenge, in that one can't make a cow do much more than what it wants to and one must be prepared to make alternate views, quick changes of exposure and expect the most disastrous possibilities. Dust can blow toward the camera position; a cloud can hide the sun or it has even rained just as the cattle get to the position. They don't stop and on several occasions these things have happened there may be another chance next year.

"PAPAGO POTTERY MAKER" BY HUBERT A. LOW-

MAN. 4x5 Speed Graphic camera; Ektachrome; f.11 at 1/10th sec.; 54" Zeiss Tessar lens; in the spring, early April; hazy sunshine, about noon; ASA rating 8. Photograph was taken on the outskirts of Sells, Arizona, agency headquarters of the Papago Reservation. Hazy sunshine, the full light of the sun diffused by high, thin clouds, was helpful in opening up the large shadow areas and doubled the normal exposure required for midday. The potter is Mrs. Ignacio. The large earthen ollas are used to hold drinking water. They are hung in gunny sacks in shade under trees or ramadas. In the summer the sacks are kept wet, which assures cool, fresh water.

"HOPI VILLAGE OF MOENCOPI" BY DAVID MUENCH.

4x5 Speed Graphic camera; Ektachrome; f.8 at 1/50th sec.; 6" Xenar lens; August, sunny day. The Hopi village of Moencopi is near Tuba City on the Navajo Indian Reservation of Northern Arizona. The Hopis are superior farmers. Terraced fields, carefully tended, produce corn, chili, melons, squash and other vegetables for family consumption.

"HUALAPAI BASKET WEAVER" BY R. H. PEEBLES.

Photograph was taken on the Hualapai Indian Reservation on the summit of Hualapai Mountain north of Peach Springs, Arizona. Hualapai weavers are considered especially expert in the weaving art,

"PIMA BASKET WEAVER" BY R. H. PEEBLES. Photograph

taken in Sacate Pima village, about nine miles west of Route 187 in the Gila River Indian Reservation. The weaver's name is Anastacia Harvey. She is the last of the old weavers who made storage baskets. Before the white man came into the country, the Pimas had no bins or boxes in which to store corn or wheat so they took the wheat straw from their fields and bound it together with bark from the roots of young mesquite trees and made these storage baskets. Some of the baskets hold as much as thirty to fifty bushels of wheat. Photographs of the Hualapai and Pima basket weavers were taken by the late R. H. Peebles of Sacaton, Arizona, noted cotton authority, and appeared originally in Bert Robinson's scholarly book, "The Basket Weavers of Arizona," (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, Ν. Μ., 1954, $7.50).

OPPOSITE PAGE "SHIPAULOVI IN HOPILAND" BY DICK CARTER. 4x5

Linhof camera; Ektachrome; f.20 at 1/5th sec.; commercial Ektar 240 mm lens; June, late afternoon, clear day. 120-Norwood. Shipaulovi is on north side of the reservation road on the 2nd Mesa and about ten miles west of Polacca. This village might easily be passed unnoticed unless purposely watched for. This village was built about 1625 A.D. and is the smallest of the Hopi villages of this type. Photo was taken looking south and the subdued hues of the rock are made soft by the low sun angle of the late June afternoon. A skylight filter was used to reduce ultra-violet light.

The rite. As in the old days, such an event is more than a ceremony; it is an occasion for renewing old friendships, for catching up on the news, for horse racing and games. It is an occasion for social dancing. It affords opportunities for gambling, a favorite pastime for all American Indians.

The most spectacular event in the puberty rite is the appearance of gans dancers for an evening's performance. Gans are Mountain Spirits. There are four of them and a clown who comes out of the darkness into the light of a great bonfire. They utter strange cries, like the Hopi kachinas. Masked and costumed, they give a fantastic performance, twisting and bending and flashing great carved and colored head pieces in the fire's glow. During winter rites, these same performers carry a heavier and more serious burden of curing.

There is no calendar of ritual events, no fixed dates for ceremonies among the Apaches as there is in Hopiland. Puberty rites are held in the summer, curing rites in the winter. A family in need hires a shaman to perform the desired ceremony. As the family is able to provide, it is a larger or smaller affair.

Several Christian faiths have been accepted by some Apaches but on the whole they have retained their old beliefs. Nativistic movements crop up now and then; they would appear to be the fulfillment of a strong desire to perpetuate their own faith, or, at least, parts thereof in compromise with other religious expression.

Like so many of the Southwest tribes, the Apaches are fast losing their native arts. Sandpaintings, or "Medicine discs" as the Apaches called them, were formerly made. They differed from the Navajos in many respects, but particularly in variety of subject matter, size, and artistry. The term disc is descriptive of their form: often they were made up of a series of circling and parallel colored bands, for example, of red, black, and white. On these would appear the deities, heavenly phenomena, snakes, birds, animals, mountains, and water symbols with which the Apache sand artist was concerned. An interesting bit of Apache philosophy is expressed in connection with the use of sandpaintings: if the patient for whom the disc is made does not survive the ritual, at least this artistic expression will speed him on his way and assure him a pleasant life in the hereafter.

Some pottery was made by all Apache tribes in the past; all wares were of simple utility type. Shiny black and piñon pitched, the vessels were unpainted; they were primarily of simple form for cooking purposes. Today no pottery is made by any Apache group.

Basketry, on the other hand, is the craft in which the Apaches excel, both in skill and artistry. It is also a craft which has survived the inroads of white man's pots and pans. A recent survey revealed a fair number of women of this tribe who still produce all three of the major types of western Apache basketry. Coiling and twining are the basic techniques. Large and small tray baskets and jars are coiled. Attractive burden baskets and water bottles are twined. Native plants supply all material for these baskets, with willow and cottonwood twigs, squawberry, and sumac as thefavored sources today.

Although the twined water bottle, or "tus" is generally un-decorated, it may have an all-over coloring, for red ochre is rubbed over the surface before it is water-proofed inside and out with piñon gum. Burden baskets often carry a subtle type of decoration in variations of the twined weave; or, perhaps, aniline-dyed or natural colored materials may appear in simple banded patterns. Rows of plain or yellow-dyed buckskin thongs, some-times with small tin cones or "tinklers" attached, may add a decorative note to the burden basket. It is a colorful sight to see a row of these freshly decorated burden baskets on the ground, filled with gifts for all who have come to attend a "Com-ing Out" ritual.

The coiled tray is the most artistic piece of Apache basketry. Jars in this technique seldom display the same artistic arrangement of pattern, although they carry similar design motifs. A pleasing contrast is offered in both as the natural soft shades of willow are set off by black patterns. Designs include both geometric and life forms, the latter apparently added since the late 1800's. In fact, the great complexity of Apache coiled basketry designs seems to have evolved from this same date. Patterns are dynamic, and often an otherwise perfectly symmetrical pattern will be offsetby some small addition or omission.

A craft expression which was introduced to the Arizona Apaches after the middle of the 18th century, bead work, has become reasonably popular among them. Women ply this craft, making headbands, belts, neck pieces, and ornamenting buckskin bags, and, formerly, dresses. Dresses were tastefully and simply decorated; bags, which became important commercially were often more ornate and less artistic in the application of elaborate design and in the use of a greater variety of colored beads. Perhaps the most interesting beadwork from the standpoint of Apache usage is a T-shaped neck piece, usually worn by a young girl in the puberty rite. Designs are geometric, with a few life forms; no patterns have symbolic meaning.

When the Apaches acquired horses from Europeans, they also adopted much of the specialized equipment for this animal. Some of this the Indian made for himself, substituting his native materials for foreign ones. Perhaps the most interesting item here is the saddle bag. For many years Apaches made an attractive buckskin bag, cutting out patterns and inserting colored material, often red, under the designed areas. As time wore on and buckskin became less abundant, cotton cloth was substituted for the native material, and applique designs replaced the cut-out schemes.

A native product which is still popular among the Apaches is the cradle board. This device, which so greatly facilitates caring for an infant by a busy mother, is made of traditional materials, except for cloth additions, and is of traditional form.

Like other Arizona tribes, then, the Apaches represent an interesting mixture of their own native life and European traits. Native type homes linger, touches of old style dress appear ceremonially, some craft arts survive, and certain native customs and religious beliefs dominate the lives of many of the members of this tribe. On the other hand, the political order is changing rapidly, economy has but a few reminders of the past, daily dress is Europeanized, and formal education is replacing parent-training. Withal, there is an indefinable something which pervades the lives of these people, making of them a distinct and separate tribe of Indians, the Apaches.

PIMAS and PAPAGOS

"In the beginning there was nothing where now are earth, sun, moon, stars, and all that we see."

According to the Pimas, Earth Doctor, born of darkness, created all these things. First he took from his breast some dust, made it into a little cake, and said, "Come forth, some kind of-plant, and there was creosote bush! After many intervening incidents, including creations, destructions, and a flood, the earthwas peopled, and THE PEOPLE "oo-tam," were the Pimas.

Getting down to more practical explanations, the Pima areknown as the River Dwellers, as they have lived for centuriesalong the Gila River. To the South are the Papagos, called BeanEaters, or Bean People, perhaps for their meager diet. Traditionis not explicit as to whether this referred to the mesquite beanor a cultivated variety. Both were and still are, in some degree,important in the diet of these people.

Pimas and Papagos are very similar in many ways. Where their cultures meet in like expressions, they will be discussed to-gether. Where differences separate them, differing aspects of theirculture will be stressed.

Differences in their cultures are due in good measure to dif-ferences in environment. The Gila River has provided the Pimaswith a substantial living for centuries. It has given them water,food, materials with which to build their homes and of which toweave baskets. Desert lands of the Papago provided a leaner liveli-hood, food enough to keep flesh and bone together, sometimesenough water, often little else.

Although the chief concern of this story is the present day life of these tribes, nonetheless flashbacks into the historic pastwill present interesting contrast. Past and present often meet inthe everyday lives of the Indian. Among the Pimas this is illus-trated in the small dwelling in which they live, looking as thoughit had popped out of the earth itself, with a TV aerial projectingfrom the dirt covered roof!

Not all Pimas and Papagos reside in the traditional, simple,earth structures, for many have learned to make adobe bricks.Some may use commercial brick or stone in their home construc-tion. The oval form of the single room of the past is replaced bya rectangular room, and some homes are two or three roomed.Dirt floors linger in some communities, but wood or concretemay replace them. Household furnishings vary with the economicwell-being of individual families. These may range from a singlebench to complete furnishings. Phonographs have long been popu-lar among people of both of these tribes.

Houses are more scattered in Papago settlements, closer together in Pima villages. This may be a reminder of the dayswhen the Pimas were more dependent on agriculture, the Papagos less so. In fact, the latter tribe used to abandon their villagesseasonally in order to augment their larders with produce fromhunting and gathering expeditions into the hills.

Economy has changed more among the Papagos than it hasamong the Pimas. The latter still till some of their fields as theyhave for centuries, planting small plots of beans and corn, andoccasional other produce. For a time, chief sources of income camefrom leasing their land to white people. More recently, many ofthe Pimas have taken back their farming lands. They are learningto pursue large-scale agriculture, using heavy machinery to tillmany acres. Thus they are realizing full returns from their lands.

Flash flood farming has been practiced by the Papagos forcenturies. Today it is being replaced, in some measure, by irrigation farming. Also stock raising has assumed an important placein the economy of these people; they have divided their landsinto eleven grazing areas which are used for both tribal and indi-vidual herds. This tribe has a long range program which willimprove resources in these three lines. They are also developingtheir mineral resources. Their Reservation is not large enough toaccommodate their population; therefore in this same programthey are seeking ways and means for establishing some of theirnumbers off the Reservation.

Papago Fairs of recent years bring to mind the utilization ofnative plants which was much more important in the past thantoday. Among the exhibits have been displayed dried cholla cactusbuds, dried mesquite beans, sahuaro fruit jam and balls of the seed and pulp, and other native plant foods. Unquestionably these sustained the Papagos in the lean years when their planted crops did not mature.

Although Pimas and Papagos cultivated cotton in the past, and wove it into a fair variety of fabrics, there is not the slightest vestige of this industry among them today. All of them wear "store clothing," or reasonable facsimiles thereof. Women's dress has been influenced by varied styles ranging from the early 1900'S to the present; the men wear cowboy or modern casual clothes. Little or nothing was worn in the past; climate and a meager economy took care of that!

Basketry is the one craft art which has been perpetuated among these people, with few weavers today among the Pimas and a number of them among the Papagos. Traditionally the two tribes made coiled willow baskets of a rather fine weave. The Papagos gradually dropped this material and substituted yucca. There was logic to this change, for the willow had to be obtained beyond the homeland of the Papagos, primarily through trade with the Pimas. Yucca, on the other hand, grew in considerable abun-dance on their own Reservation.

The change in basketry materials among the Papagos, first in evidence early in the 20th century, might be attributed to production for commercial purposes. Whatever the reason, yucca baskets almost completely supplanted the older type in time. The yucca basket is made in many forms and sizes, seldom following native specifications in these matters. Design, too, changed greatly, with the increased use of this material, becoming simpler, adding more life themes, and appearing in a spotty distribution. The willow basket, on the other hand, was a much better product. It was more tightly woven, of simpler and more limited, but more refined form, and designs were more elaborate and greatly unified. Even though quantities of yucca baskets have been produced by the Papago to sell to white people, many of the women continued to make the willow type for their own use.

Some years ago these two tribes produced a large storage basket in a loose coil, making the foundation of wheat straw and sewing at wide intervals with mesquite bark. Although these are museum pieces now, at one time they served these folk well for the storage of their farm produce. The Papagos have adapted this idea to a small commercial basket, often in pleasing shapes for "trinket" uses. These are effectively sewed at intervals with stitches which are evenly and diagonally placed. A split stitch adds to their artistry.

Another weave which was extensively developed in the past by both tribes was plaiting. This, too, has disappeared among the Pimas, but Papagos still make some plaited baskets. Formerly mats, medicine "boxes," utility baskets, and miscellaneous items were made in this weave. Mats served almost all of the Arizona Indians for bed, table, and chair as well as for a dozen other smaller uses. Obviously contact with white man removed the need for this type of basketry in a majority of cases.

Another craft art which has changed greatly among the Pimas and Papagos is that of pottery making. Formerly the majority of their household wares consisted of clay vessels; now a limited number is used, the most important being the "olla," for drinking water. This jar hangs under the open ramada, and it is made of fairly porous clay, evaporation aids in keeping it cool. Most of the pottery made today consists of small curio items. Vari-shaped, the typical wares are plain red, and highly polished; sometimes they carry a simple decoration in black.

Another craft formerly practiced by these two tribes was working in mesquite and occasional other woods. Mortars, oblong bread dishes, spoons, and a few other pieces were produced. Mesquite is an extremely hard wood, but the patience and perseverance of these folk resulted in some exquisite products. A few Papagos still pursue this craft.

Change is perhaps most significantly illustrated in the realms of political and social organization. In place of the moiety or twofold division (Red Ants and White Ants) in each autonomous village, there is now an all-over tribal council for both Pimas and Papagos. Pimas were organized with a constitution and by-laws in 1938, and with a governing body of seventeen representative members. The Council has "jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to the management of tribal property, conduct of Indians and non-Indians on the Reservation, tribal business enterprises, and the welfare of tribal members."

The Papago Tribal Council, which includes representation from all three Reservations, was organized under a constitution and by-laws in 1937. The twenty-two members serve for two years. Each of the eleven Districts is self-governing in local matters.

In their proposed long range program, the Papagos have considered social development as well as economic problems. They are a widely scattered people; they have also moved off the Reservation in considerable numbers. A high percentage of them are not literate-in 1949 only 40% could speak English and only 20% could read and write. Therefore they are greatly inter-nested in education, particularly for the off-Reservation members who will be in direct competition with white people. Construction of dormitories adjacent to schools, both on and off the Reservation is but one of the very real approaches to this problem. Health, roads and communication, and other issues have also received considerable attention.

Religion of both tribes has undergone drastic changes. Most of the Pimas and Papagos are Christianized, with Sonora Catholics and Presbyterians counting large numbers among these Indians. However, remnants of the native beliefs appear in ceremonies now and then, as the Wiikita, a harvest rite, or curing ceremonies by native doctors. Formerly rain ceremonies were very important. Annually the Papagos gather sahuaro fruit, and the preparation and drinking of a beverage made therefrom marks the opening of the native calendar year. Interestingly San Juans' Day approxi-mates this time, and has thus become of considerable significance among the Papago.

Never as colorful as the northern Pueblo folk in their rituals, the desert tribes, nonetheless, did have some comparable elements in their native religious practices. Masks of cloth or gourds were worn in some rites. Musical instruments were used, including basket drums, flutes, rasping sticks and gourd rattles. In the harvest rite crudely made effigies of game animals, clouds, and food prod-ucts are carried. And songs are common. In fact, the Papagos in particular had numerous native customs relative to singing for all things, singing over the new born babe, singing up the corn, singing invitations to a neighboring village to join in a festivity. It is noteworthy that this tribe, so poverty stricken, with so little in the way of water, food, the necessities of life, should be grate-ful in song for whatever blessings they received.

Thus there is a song for all things, even for the stages of growing! "Night after night, the planter walks around his field 'singing up the corn.' There is a song for corn as high as his knee, for corn waist high, and for corn with the tassel forming.

At last they sing the harvest song, as the corn of different colors speaks from the harvesters arms: Truly most comfortably you embrace me: I am the blue corn. Truly most comfortably you embrace me: I am the red corn."

PAIUTES

The Paiute is a language brother of the Hopi Indian, but there any comparisons must stop. His culture is greatly inferior to that of the Puebloans.

The Arizona Paiutes live in the far northwestern part of the state, on the fringe of the Kaibab forest. They have sufficient timber for Reservation use, to provide a watershed, and for fence posts and wood. This large Reservation could support enough cattle to care for this tribe. However, the Paiutes do not run capacity herds on their lands. Lack of sufficient water seems to be all that limits the development of the tribal herd. This inadequacy may be overcome with the drilling of wells and the building of reservoirs.

Wage work has been an important source of income for the Paiutes. Quite a few of these Indians work for white farmers in the area. Some few do a little farming themselves. Some hunting, fishing, and gathering of piñon nuts augment their diet.

The Paiute home resembles the Apache wickiup. It is usually a domed structure, a small rounded hut of tule rushes over a framework of poles. Sometimes it is an inverted V-shaped affair. A fireplace in the center of the floor is sometimes the only "furnishings" in the room.

In 1951 the Paiutes organized a Tribal Council. Each of the six councilmen holds office for three years. The Council functions in the usual tribal welfare and business enterprises, in the conduct of those on the Reservation, and in the management of tribal property.

White man's culture is gradually replacing that of the Paiute Indian, in dress, homes, organization. However, this Indian still makes a few baskets which are mindful of a long history. One is a small, narrow necked, pointed-bottomed water bottle. It is carefully twined.

A second Paiute basket is made in larger numbers for it is used by the Navajo Indians as a wedding tray. This is a shallow bowl, coiled, and stitched in sumac. The wide, evenly sewed coils are finished off with a fine herringbone stitch around the edge. The latter detail is, apparently, a requirement of the Navajos. The design in this wedding basket is one of the few in the Southwest with true symbolism. An outer, serrated black band stands for the upper world, a central plain red band symbolizes the earth, and the inner, serrated, black band represents the under world. At one point, an opening is left in this pattern. In the wedding rite, the opening will be turned to the north so that all evil will disappear.

All Paiutes speak English. This, too, indicates change in their culture in the direction of that of the white man.

CHEMEHUEVIS

Less is known about the Chemehuevi Indians than any other Arizona tribe. Anciently they were nomadic or semi-nomadic hunters and gatherers in the eastern part of the Mohave Desert, and into the Western Colorado River Valley. With the coming of white man's civilization, they changed their habits, eventually settling entirely in the Colorado River Valley. In some early historic references the Chemehuevis were referred to as the "Paiutes of the South."

Today the Chemehuevis are located largely on the Colorado River Reservation. Before the building of Parker Dam, some of them lived with the Mohave on this Reservation while others lived on their own Reservation a little to the north, in California. The construction of the dam, however, flooded many of their homes at the latter location. Consequently, quite a few more Chemehuevis have joined their tribesmen in Arizona.

The Chemehuevis are now included in the membership of the Colorado River Tribes, on the Colorado River Reservation. It is stated that, "Membership includes Mohave and Chemehuevi Indians who have occupied the Colorado River Valley since pre-historic times." In the functioning of the larger group, tribesmen from the former Chemehuevi Reservation have their own representation in the form of a business committee.

Chemehuevi Indians participate in the general life of the Colorado River Reservation as described for the Mohave. Like other Indians, they have lost most of their own tribal coloring, in material and non-material traits alike. Their children attend the Indian Service day school south of Parker, or the public school near-by, or they may go to off-Reservation Federal Boarding Schools. Education, plus the fact that practically all of them speak English, will further the process of acculturation.

One craft art for which the Chemehuevis have been justly famous is basketry. No member of the tribe produces baskets today. A recent report indicates that there are two women who know how to weave, but the younger one is too busy and the hands of the older are too gnarled to allow her to use them. But this craft is deserving of mention.

Chemehuevi baskets are coiled. A small, round coil, enclosed by fine stitching, is used in the creation of simple bowl or jar forms, both large and small. Design is essentially simple, with emphasis on parallel bands of geometric themes. Some patterns run from near-center to the edge in equal, simple arrangements. Black is the usual patterning color, although occasional touches of dark red are employed for emphasis.

YUMAN TRIBES

Along the Colorado River there lived for a number of centuries scattered groups of peoples speaking a common tongue. At some unknown time in their history, one of these groups moved away from the River into the interior of Arizona. Some of them allied with the Apache during later historic years. These were the Yavapai. Another group severed connections with river life several centuries ago. Eventually they moved into the area of present day Phoenix, close to the Pimas. These are the contemporary Maricopas. The rest of the Yuman language groups remained on or near the Colorado; today they include the Cocopa, Yuma, Mohave, Walapai, and Havasupai.

There are some common denominators in the culture of all these people. On the other hand, some have changed greatly. For example, the pottery of the Maricopas has taken on many aspects of Pima wares. Too, certain Yavapais reveal more Apachean than Yuman traits, for example in dress and basketry. All groups have had contact with white men and reveal fewer or more evidences of these historical incidents. A brief summary of some of the aspects of the culture of each group will illustrate their history and background.

One of the most poverty-stricken of the Arizona Indian tribes both culturally and economically, is the small group on the lower Colorado, the Cocopa. Numbering less than a hundred in Ari-

zona, with a few more in Mexico and Lower California, they barely eke out an existence in their desert habitat. Crude brush shelters protect them but partially from the rigors of their environment. Although most of their lands come under the Yuma Valley canal system, they have never been properly developed to profit by this situation. As a consequence, most of this tribe in Arizona makes a living by working for wages on farms of white men. Their culture might well be described as lacking in native survivals and as "poor white" in its adaptations.

The Yuma Indian Reservation is in California, therefore this tribe does not properly come into this discussion. However, it may be said that some of this group live in the town of Yuma; they make their living largely through wage labor. Some of the women make a poor grade of curio pottery, buff in color with simple and crude line and dot decoration in red. It may be just as well that this ware is disappearing, for through their early contacts with whites they not only bought paints at white man's stores, but also copied such forms as tea kettles! Also, some of them create equally crude curio items in vari-colored beads.

More numerous and far more active than the above two tribes are the Mohave who are divided in residence between the Fort Mohave and the Colorado River Reservations. The latter Reservation, which is largely in Arizona but with a small acreage in California, is shared with the Chemchuevi Indians. These two tribes have lived in the immediate or nearby vicinity for centuries.

There are nine members of a Council directing the activities of the Colorado River Reservation, each serving for a period of four years. More recently Fort Mohave Reservation has organized a combination tribal council-business committee. Despite economic resources of grazing and undeveloped but potentially good farming lands, about go% of these people earn a living through wage work in Needles, California.

Actually most of the Ft. Mohave population lives in a village on the California side of the Reservation in Needles. Their residence here may account for the fact that they have no Indian Service nor any tribal law enforcement machinery. This is in rather vivid contrast to the Colorado River situation where the Tribal Council has jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to the management of tribal property, to the welfare of the tribe, and the conduct of Indians and non-Indians on the Reservation.

The Colorado River Reservation is potentially one of the wealthiest in Arizona, for it has thousands of acres of land which have been or can be cultivated. In 1945, an agreement was reached between the Council of this tribe and the Indian Service that certain parts of the Reservation should become accessible to any Indians living within the Colorado drainage, and that those who availed themselves of these lands should become members of the Mohave Tribe. Several groups, particularly Navajos and Hopis, ventured into this new set-up, but apparently not to the satisfaction of all concerned, for in 1952 the Mohaves rescinded the agreement. It is held that they could not do this without the consent of both parties; the issue is still unsettled. Cash crops on the Colorado River Reservation are alfalfa and cotton. Most of the Mohave Reservation families support themselves through wage work in Needles, despite potentially good farming and grazing lands of their own.

Again it will be seen that contact with white people has impoverished their craft arts. The children attend public or Indian Service schools, and most of the Mohave speak English. Formerly the Mohave made more elaborately decorated pottery than the Yuma or Cocopa but of the same type, red designs on an unslipped buff ground. In fact, they made the best ware of all the Yuman tribes with the possible exception of the very recent developments of the Maricopas. Few Mohave women know how to make pottery today, for most of them have turned to the production of knickknacks of glass beads. Formerly the Mohaves made well woven and designed coiled baskets.

The Yuman speaking Havasupai Indians live in one of the most colorful parts of the Southwest, Cataract Canyon, just west of Grand Canyon. Here, on a small Reservation of little over 500 acres, they have adapted themselves to a simple but self-sustaining life. Formerly they left the canyon in winters to hunt and gather wild foods on the mesa tops above; now they live the year around on the canyon floor.

In 1939 the Havasupai organized a Tribal Council; member-ship on this Council is an interesting combination of native and introduced ideas. There are four regularly elected members who serve for two years, and there are three members who are tribal chiefs who serve for life. Tradition controls and sanctions behavior, for there is neither Federal, nor State law enforcement bodies to deal with these folk.

ship on this Council is an interesting combination of native and introduced ideas. There are four regularly elected members who serve for two years, and there are three members who are tribal chiefs who serve for life. Tradition controls and sanctions behavior, for there is neither Federal, nor State law enforcement bodies to deal with these folk.

Agriculture is the basis of the economy of this tribe, although they have been granted the use of much land for grazing. Several families are supported by accommodating tourists down the trail (the only entrance) to beautiful Cataract Canyon. Others are wage workers. There is a school at Supai which takes children through the fifth grade. After this, they must leave the Canyon and go to schools elsewhere. The isolation of these people might best be illustrated in the fact that when several large items were taken into the canyon, they were dismantled and either packed in by animal or flown in by helicopter.

Havasupai Indians live in earth covered lodges or plank houses, the latter of more recent style. Gone are their native colorful skin clothing and rabbit fur robes. And almost gone are their native crafts, although they do make some baskets. A few Havasupai women still produce beautiful conical burden baskets in a twined weave, with simple but attractive banded patterns. Infants arecarried on baby boards of basketry. Coiled baskets with more varied patterns were formerly made.

of the Havasupai Indians

These people, like most Indians exhibit a keen sense of humor. The story is told of one fellow who went hunting and after five or six shots at a deer, with no hit, decided, "Maybe so I go to camp and put on dress." Too, like most native Americans they have a passion for gambling, displaying equal gusto whether it be a nickel or a dollar they are betting!

Close neighbors of the Havasupai are the Hualapais who live in the higher country above the canyons of this area. This tribe depends primarily on timber and cattle for their income. Very little farming is done as the soil is poor and water practically unavailable. This group has an organized Tribal Council of eight elected members and one hereditary chief; the latter, like those of the Havasupai, is appointed by the band subchiefs and serves for life.

Hualapai craft arts have tended to disappear or change somewhat since contact with white men. Basketry is the only survivor, and this craft has changed quite a bit to suit the tastes of tourists. Like the Havasupai, this tribe formerly made burden baskets, water bottles, and trays in a diagonal twined weave, but with little or no patterning on them. Now they make a tourist product

One of falls in Havasu Canyon

with straight sides and flat bottom, and they have added horizontal bands woven in commercial red and green dyed elements in simple zigzags, chevrons, fringed lines and diagonal stripes. Both Havasupais and Walapais formerly made coiled baskets of a type very similar to Western or Arizona Apache except that the designs were geometric and simpler.

Another Yuman speaking tribe which is very different from the last three described groups is the Yavapai. Perhaps they, too, were former river dwellers. For some reason when they moved into the interior of Arizona they became more nomadic than the others. Some of them threw in with Apache bands and became very like this tribe, for example, in certain aspects of their native organization. One group of mixed Apache-Yavapai bands lives on the Camp Verde Reservation. They have a Council, with eight members serving two years each. Actually there are two Reservations here, with the members of one finding occupation in industry and with other farmers, while the occupants of the second area do farming and cattle raising on their own.

A separate Yavapai group functions with no formal council on the Yavapai Reservation. Their lands are so limited that they do little stock raising and no farming, earning an income through wage work. A third and quite small group of this tribe is to be found on the Ft. McDowell Reservation.

The only craft that has survived among the Yavapai is basket making, and this to a limited extent. A well made coiled basket, in tray and storage forms, is designed in black with geometric and life themes. So like the Apaches are these baskets that the expert only can distinguish between them.

The last group of Yuman speaking people is the Maricopa. This tribe is distributed between the Gila River and Salt River Reservations. Tribal organization and economy are tied in with the Pima, as described above. Although the Maricopa were still doing a little weaving in the early twentieth century, particularly of belts, currently they do none. After they moved into their present location, which was some hundred and fifty or more years ago, they used Pima baskets rather than make their own. One basket they did continue to make for a few years, however, and that was a burden type. This they no longer weave. If the Maricopas made the usual Yuman pottery of the red on buff variety when they arrived among the Pima, they ceased to make it in time. Then they borrowed ceramic ideas from the Pimas. Now they produce an attractive red ware, highly polished and occasionally with a simple black decoration. Although they have concentrated on "curio" shapes, several of the potters have individually perfected these or have developed forms of their own choosing. One odd shape is a small, round-bodied vessel with an extremely long neck. The beautiful, high polish on these vessels is outstanding.

Although the majority of the Yuman-speaking tribes have become quite thoroughly acculturated, some have retained a little, others more, of their past ways of life. This is particularly true of religion. By degrees they have dropped face painting and tatooing. Gone are most of the masked dances. A thing of the past is the elaborate mourning rite which formerly accompanied cremation. Few native songs are known today, songs which were received in a dream in the "old days." And but a memory in the minds of few older tribesmen are the legends of these people. Their carved and painted cane flutes, painted gourd rattles, and other ritual paraphernalia are seldom to be seen and then usually in museums.

So passes the culture of additional Arizona Indian tribes.

SUMMARY

The fourteen tribes of Indians in Arizona present varying stages of change from their own culture to the ways of white men. Were it not for his color, a Papago or Mohave might be taken for another farmer or rancher in town for the day. But there would be no confusion as to the identity of the Navajo with his long hair done in a queue at the back of his head, topped with a Stetson hat, with moccasined feet showing below his blue jeans, and with heavy strands of coral, shell, and turquoise decorating his "store" shirt. Some Arizona Indians have achieved a happy balance between their own culture and that of the conqueror. Others have been badly bent, but not quite broken, under the burden of the meeting of such greatly different civilizations. Some have preserved parts

of the old and accepted what they wished of the new. Despite the inroads of a new people, some tribes have increased in numbers, as the Navajo. Others have fallen under disease and other pressures from the invader, but no tribe has been completely decimated. On one side of the ledger in this balancing of cultures, the Indian has retained certain portions of his organization, particularly in religion, and some of his craft arts. On the other side of the ledger, traits accepted from the white man would be heavy in the areas of education, health facilities, and political organization. Let us look at several of these in summary of the Arizona Indian of today. The lands of the Arizona Indians, in terms of existing Reservations, have shriveled. Archaeological evidence points to a wider area of occupation as compared with present day boundaries for most of these tribes. Some tribes have been shoved into less desirable spots. Some have had their basic means of existence disrupted, as in the case of the Pima when their irrigation waters were usurped by white men. Some have had their territory depleted by confinement to a limited area, as the Navajo grazing lands. Only with the help of the man who shoved him aside can the Indian better his situation. He needs more education in agriculture and cattle raising, more dams and reservoirs, more machinery, better schools for his children, control of the diseases which have been brought to him. With the major exceptions of the Navajo, Apache, and Hopi, homes of most of the Arizona tribes have changed. New material, as adobe, brick, and dressed stone have been adopted by some, as the Pima and Papago. Wooden doors, glazed windows and chimneys have been added to many Indian homes. Perhaps the greatest change has been in the addition of furnishings with beds, chairs, tables, stoves, and sewing machines of foremost importance. Dress has changed greatly. The breech cloth, which was the main item of the Indian man's dress, has disappeared completely or has survived for ceremonial wear. Cowboy garb, from hats to boots, is most common. Some Navajo "longhairs" reflect earlier Spanish or Mexican styles in their dress. A short or long skirt was often the only garment worn by the busy Pima and Papago woman of years gone by. No longer is this so. Buckskin dresses were replaced by more concealing blanket dresses among the Navajo; in time this style gave way to the European-inspired full, tiered skirt and blouse. With the exception of a few tribes, and not all members thereof, most Arizona Indian women wear contemporary styles of white woman's garb. The economy of the native Arizonan has changed greatly. From simple farming he is developing large scale agriculture, as in the case of the Pimas and some Mohaves. Pastoral life was unknown natively. Now the Apaches are fine cattlemen, the Navajos own half a million head of stock, largely sheep. Many Indians are wage earners; some are apprenticing to trades; a few are following professional life. Cash economy is replacing the age-old subsistence economy. All Arizona Indians have substituted some type of tribal council organization for their native orders. This change has been necessary so that among other things they might deal with the United States government. These councils are weaker in some cases, as the Hopi, for here the autonomous village is more important than the tribe. Or councils are stronger, as among the Navajo, where a central body is essential to the solving of the multitudinous problems of this widely scattered tribe. Indians of Arizona had no type of formal education unless one might think of the rigid training of a medicine man in this category. Therefore the American school system has not been easy to accept. Not only is it foreign to their way of life, not only has it interfered with the economic and religious pursuits of their natives, but also in its early years it gave the Indian little of value to his way of life. Fortunately a change in educational policy has given the Indian something he can use besides the English language. Training in agriculture, stock raising, crafts, and for teaching, are but a few of the skills which the Indian can now acquire and take back to his native Reservation. Perhaps the area in which the white man has lost most heavily in his conquest of the Arizona Indian is in the field of crafts and arts. The substitution of a tin pail for a woven basket is final. Thus basketry is rapidly disappearing from most of the Arizona tribes. The Hopis are an exception, for they make many baskets. It is easier by far to purchase a bolt of cloth off a trader's shelf than to weave garments for the whole family. Slight wonder that the Pimas and Papagos ceased to weave many years ago. Hopi weaving has survived only because of the strength of religious tradition among these people. Navajo weaving has survived only because the blanket could be converted into a rug which, in turn, could be sold to white men. The refinements of native art are fast disappearing, too. "Curio" forms in pottery, basketry, and silver illustrate this point. Greater production and cheaper items have made the artist careless, deteriorating his greatly refined accomplishments. Arts and Crafts Guilds and personal interests of a few white men have removed some of the curse of this situation, reviving vegetable dye rugs among the Navajo, improving his silver, improving the quality of Papago basketry.

Christianity has completely replaced native belief among many Pimas and Papagos. On the other hand, most of the Hopis, Navajos, and Apaches have clung to the traditional in religion. Some have compromised, following the Christian faith in general but turning to the native medicine man in case of need. It is inevitable that these religions will pass in time. And with the passing of native Indian religions goes forever a philosophy, a way of life, not to be duplicated elsewhere in the world. To sing in the face of dire poverty as do the Papagos, to believe devotedly in harmony between ones fellow men and in the universe as do the Hopi, to know that all is finished in beauty as do the Navajo-surely these are philosophies which should not perish.