CRAFTS OF ARIZONA INDIANS

THE BACKGROUND

Arizona has a long heritage in the arts and crafts. It begins about the time of the opening of the Christian era, or possibly a few centuries earlier. For that matter, there are foreshadowings of possible developments in artistic lines among the very first hunters of the Southwest. A brief glimpse into this long prehistory will explain many of the developments of the historic period.

Arizona is a land of varied climates and compelling beauty. In the northern part of the state the country is high, averaging around 6,000 feet above sea level. This accounts for lowered temperatures, for cooler nights and early frosts, all of which combine to shorten the growing season. Despite these features, the plateau country of northern Arizona is a part of the great semi-arid Southwest, and as such, the rainfall is inadequate. Responding to all of these circumstances, the native Anasazí peoples, the first inhab itants of this area, were greatly concerned with the problems of simple agriculture.

Southern Arizona is, in many respects, a distinct contrast to the north. Desert conditions are more obvious here, with lower lands, hotter temperatures, more spiny growth, and much lesswater. Elevations of the flatter areas seldom exceed 2,500 feet above sea level, with short mountain ranges rising to higher points. Rainfall is not much less, but enough so as to demand some type of artificial irrigation of the fields by the prehistoric desert dwell-ers, the Hohokam. The more abundant pine, pinyon, and even aspen, of parts of the plateau are limited to a few mountain peaks in the desert lands. Also, larger game was and is more limited.

Like a great wedge entering from the south and east between desert and plateau is a mountainous section of Arizona, the home of a third prehistoric group, the Mogollon. This area is character-ized by varied elevations, varied rainfall, varied climate. Here was a great variety of and often abundant plant and animal life.

All three of the above mentioned peoples in Arizona, Anasazi, Hohokam, and Mogollon, were of simple neolithic or late stone age cultures. Preceding their existence here the country was inhabitated by a more primitive folk called Early Man. Early Man was a hunter and food gatherer. He followed the large game which lingered after the close of the Glacial or Ice Age. About his camp fires, which have been located at such sites as Naco and Ventana Cave in southern Arizona, are the bones of mammoths, bison, large peccaries, horses, antelopes, and other varieties of animals which have since disappeared. The lush flora necessary to support such fauna has likewise disappeared. Associated with these bones, in fact, sometimes literally in them, are the stone weapons used by the hunters.

About a great lake south of Willcox, which flourished at this same time, lived peoples who were but slightly concerned with hunting, for they fed on the seemingly abundant grasses which grew about the water's edge. Post glacial rains nurtured this situation, as well as the lush growth of the rest of the country.

The hunters produced beautiful blades and points, knives and scrapers. Many were rhythmically flaked, resulting in symmetry and beauty of line. Less artistic were the grinding stones of the food gatherers. Their efforts lacked the rhythm and symmetry of their hunter contemporaries.

With the disappearance of the large and highly specialized animals of the post glacial phase, and the rain-supported, lush plant life, there was a gradual settling down to the modern picture in all life forms. Through the centuries the men who lived in the Southwest slowly adapted to these changing conditions. One of their greatest contributions to successive generations was a high utilization of the native plants and animals, often for their arts and crafts. In time they learned the cultivation of corn. This brought with it a greater security, and with security came per-mansive residence. This in turn brought more leisure, and leisure was a great impetus to the crafts.

The earlier Mogollon and Hohokam folk built pit houses. Influences from the south seemed to have inspired the first Anasazi in the same direction; later they evolved the compact, apartment-like pueblo villages. In an about-face, the pueblo influenced the later house fashions of the Mogollon. The best pueblo structures, found in the Chaco Canyon of northwestern New Mexico and in southwestern Colorado, were of regular tiers of dressed blocks of stone. The Arizona counterparts were not as carefully built, perhaps because so many pueblos here were located in caves and were thus not subject to so much wear and tear from the elements.

Stone is scarce in southern Arizona; this may account for the prevalence of clay walls in this area. The Hohokams irrigated their fields. In part, this may explain their more scattered villages.

All of these people, the Anasazi, Mogollon, and the Hohokam, cultivated corn, beans, and squash. Rain was important, whether to fill dry washes, which were diverted for their "dry farming" or to fill the rivers for irrigation. Anything connected with water became of interest to these first Arizona farmers-lightning, clouds, the rain itself, frogs. All of these became popular subject matter for the native artist.

Stone work continued in greater abundance and variety into the agricultural stage of man's development in Arizona. In time bows and arrows took the place of the spear and spear thrower, fine metates and manos for grinding corn replaced the irregular grinding equipment of the seed gatherers. Knives, axes, hammer stones, and many other objects of stone were produced through the prehistoric years. To this general area of household equipment and weapons of stone were added similar or additional implements of bone, horn, wood, and occasional other materials. Bone awls were used in basket making, wooden combs and batten sticks in weaving, and gourd rinds in polishing pottery.

Basketry in prehistoric Arizona reached high levels of attain-ment. The three basic techniques, plaiting, coiling, and wicker, were well developed. Basic forms were refined, including bowls, jars, carrying or burden baskets, and miscellaneous types. Designs in both the weave itself and in color reached high levels of artistry. Because of the dry caves of the plateau, most of the basketry of prehistoric times is found among the Anasazi. However, it is probable that the Mogollon and Hohokam left a rich legacy to their descendants in this craft also.

For the same reason mentioned above, the best preserved remains of textile weaving are also found in the Anasazi area. In earlier years the weaver's efforts were confined primarily to yucca cordage and fur and feather cord. Bands, tump straps (for carrying burdens), blankets, and foot gear were the chief products in these materials. In time cotton appeared and became the forte of the weaver. In this material were produced a great variety of weaves and a fair variety of forms. Plain and tapestry weaves were most common; not uncommon were fancy weaves such as weft wrapped, gauze, brocading, and embroidery. Objects woven in cotton are important, for many of these styles continue down to the present moment. Blankets small and large were most popular. Other items were aprons, kilts, breech cloths, varied sashes, bands, and a few leggings. The true upright loom was used by the ancients except for the Hohokam area. Here, it is thought, the horizontal loom was employed.

It is quite likely that pottery was known to the Mogollon and the Hohokam before the opening of the Christian era, and, probably, several hundred years later among the Anasazi. Although a variety of forms evolved and all were greatly refined, there were two outstanding shapes in prehistoric pottery, the bowl and the olla or jar. Both have been most important among historic Arizona Indians. Color was varied, from the basic black and white wares of the Anasazi, and their later polychrome styles, to the red on buff of the Hohokam. Design was even more varied, as illustrated in the controlled painting of predominantly geometric patterns of the Anasazi and the free and happy-go-lucky, simply painted life forms of the Hohokam. Most entrancing in the Mogollon area are the late-phase Mimbres subjects, from realistic human and animal forms to highly imaginative creations.

Needless to say, there was a rich heritage in pottery.

Small fragments of shell and turquoise begin to show up in the lowest levels of archaeological digs in Arizona. These increase in quantity, and quality of craftsmanship, through the centuries. The Hohokams in particular were close to the source of supply, for shell came largely from the Gulf of California. They produced a vast number of bracelets, armlets, beads, pendants, and occasional other objects in shell. Sometimes a shell base was ornamented, in mosaic style, with hundreds of fragments of cut turquoise. Much of the shell was traded into the Anasazi area and was used in similar manner. To be sure, other materials, such as stone, clay, and feathers, were used for articles of personal adornment.

In pre-Columbian times, the native Arizonans knew nothing of metallurgy. They did trade with Mexico for copper bells. It was not until many years after the arrival of the Spanish that they learned to work in metals, first in iron, then, many years later, in silver.

One other area of great artistic expression was in the religious field. Elaborate murals were painted on the walls of kivas, the ceremonial rooms of the Anasazi and Mogollon people. These, in turn, tell of costumed dancers, of endless ceremonial equipment such as altars, bowls, netted gourds, objects decorated with feathers, staffs, and rattles.

Undoubtedly there were endless days and nights of ceremony. Nature was ever with these fellows and the interdependence between man and the world about him was keenly felt. Much that he did in rituals was to obtain a desired end, for example, rain or the fertility of crops.

Thus the prehistoric Arizonan can be pictured as a simple village fellow, building and maintaining his home and tilling his fields. His wife produced the household utensils of clay, and one or the other wove their scanty garments. Both made tools, weapons or implements. Women were busy grinding corn for many hours of every day. Artistic feeling was expressed in all of these things, from the symmetry in the hillocks of his field through all the crafts, to the songs of the corn grinder.

Archaeologists believe rather generally that the prehistoric peoples reached a peak of cultural attainment around 1400, some possibly earlier, some later. Too, the peak was reached in some particular trait or traits, not necessarily in all expressions at once. Certainly there was a decrease in population, a shrinkage of the area occupied. When the Spanish arrived, they found the distribution of tribes much as it is today, except for the Apaches and Navajos. Hopi Pueblo Indians, who are lineal descendants of the Anasazi, occupied north central Arizona, Pimas were along the Gila and Salt rivers, and Papagos were in the southern and southwestern parts of the state. River Hohokams are thought to be the ancestors of the Pima, while the Desert Hohokams are believed to be the parent stock of the Papago.

A cruder prehistoric culture, the Patayan, may have been the parent of the tribes who lived along the Colorado River at the opening of the historic period. Living groups include the Cocopa, Yuma (largely on the California side of the river), Mohave, Walapai, Havasupai, Yavapai and Maricopa. The last two tribes have moved into the interior of the state.

Two other tribes in Arizona will be of great interest in the native crafts and arts of the state. These are the Apache and Navajo. Both speak dialects of the same language, Athapascan. Both arrived in the Southwest in late prehistoric times. Both have been influenced by the tribes which they found here; at the same time each has distilled from what he found here and what he brought with him a distinctive tribal flavor in his own culture.

Thus emerged a simple village life out of the prehistoric past into the historic period.

The first incident of consequence to change the tempo of native life in Arizona was the arrival of the Spanish in 1540. Although there was less contact with the newcomers in Arizona than in New Mexico, some influences were felt. It was not too many years before the livestock introduced by the Europeans reached this area. In time the natives of Arizona acquired sheep, goats, donkeys, horses, and cattle; none of these animals was known previously to the Indians. Fruit trees and some farm produce, such as wheat, barley, melons, and peppers, were also introduced into Arizona.

As far as homes and dress were concerned, the Spanish had less influence on the Indians of Arizona than did the later AngloAmericans. The Spanish did bring Catholicism; they were more successful in converting the Indians of southern Arizona, the Pimas and Papagos, than they were those of the northern part of the state, the Hopis and Navajos. Of course there were innumerable Spanish items of trade which found their way into Arizona, such as knives, nails, majolica, horse gear, and some clothing. Early in the nineteenth century the Anglo-Americans began to drift into the Southwest, coming first by way of New Mexico. Once again greater influence was felt at an earlier time among the natives of the neighboring state. But it was not long before the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was effected, in 1854. This event brought in its wake surveyors, traders, homesteaders, and many others from the eastern United States. The last event of importance was the coming of the railroad in the 1880's. Conversion to the ways of the white man was felt more keenly into the later years of the nineteenth century, and, most certainly, even more so into the twentieth century.

Major influences from the Anglo-American on the Arizona Indians have been felt in the following lines. First, the tribes were confined to reservations; Navajos in northeastern Arizona and completely surrounding the Hopi in the north central part of the state; Apaches in east central Arizona; the Yunan tribes in limited area along the Colorado River except for the Yavapais who are around Prescott and the Maricopas near Phoenix; Pimas along the Gila River; and Papagos on the desert of the southern part of the state. Most of these tribes live in some version of the house type they inherited from their ancestors, with white man's substitutes in materials and furnishings. Small rectangular huts of Pimas and Papagos may now be built of adobes, brick, or stone. Many Apaches live in dome-shaped grass wickiups, and Navajos in large numbers continue to dwell in conical or domed timber hogans, each traditional to their tribe. Most Hopis still reside in their ageold mesa villages of multistoried, unit pueblos of stone. Anglos have had a great influence on the Indians of Arizona in education, establishing reservation and off-reservation schools in considerable numbers. Formal education has been directly responsible for the disappearance of many crafts, for two reasons in particular: new industries are taught the young people and the child is in school when he would normally be learning crafts at home from his parent. Today more than ever before the Indian school is discouraging the perpetuation of native arts and crafts.

In religion, the Anglo-American has added to the Spanish influences, bringing more Catholicism and various branches of Protestantism to the native. Some tribes, as the Pima, retain few or no native beliefs, while others, as the Hopi, cling to their traditional religious rituals. There is a high correlation between the retention of native worship of nature and the preservation of certain crafts. Some Spanish influence in dress lingers but there is much more Anglo-American. Again, through the schools, particularly the young people have been subjected to the latter. Only in ceremonial garb has there been a preservation of native Arizona Indian clothing.

The economy of the Arizona Indian is changing rapidly. Here the Anglo-American has been greatly influential. Wage earning has taken heavy toll of the crafts. When one can receive $1.50 to $2.00 an hour, why weave a rug for 15c an hour? Wage earning, new jobs, education, all are combining to change the whole nature of Indian life. It can be said that the changing economy is striking at the roots of Arizona Indian life and it is but a matter of time before the old ways will be but memories. The present state of the native Arizonan is, then, the result of three things: his inheritance from his own people, contacts with the Spanish, and influences from the Anglo-American. Today, Arizona Indians are a composite, in varying degrees, of these historical incidents. They are a changing people. Consequently, their crafts are composite, their crafts are changing.

BASKETS

Basketry is often referred to as the "mother of the craft arts." And well it might be, for in the Anasazi area of the Southwest, as well as many another part of the world, basketry was not only early but also its direct influence in forms and desigus on other arts and crafts, as pottery, is well documented. Basketry can be defined as the process of intertwining relatively coarse vegetal elements. There is, of course, some variation in the nature of the elements. For example, a whole yucca leaf, which would be quite pliable, is sometimes used. Then again, the same leaf may be shredded into fine elements, to be used in a bundle for the foundation or singly for sewing the basket. Further, the basket weaver usually soaks her materials in water so that these elements are much more pliable when she is working. As they dry, the elements become stiff once more. Materials used by Arizona Indians in the making of basketry vary greatly. Yucca has been mentioned; it is one of the most popular and widespread, for the plant itself is found throughout the state. Bear grass, willow, cottonwood, devil's claw, and rabbit brush are other favored materials. A great many others were and are used, particularly certain plants which grew in more limited areas or which had more limited potentials for usage. Among these would be wheat straw, squawbush, sumac, and maguey. These materials are gathered at the proper time of year, that is, when most adaptable to basketry use. For instance, the willow shoots will be collected when quite young and green, or the yucca when green or bleached. As a sale, any necessary peeling is done, the elements are split or left whole, and a bundle of them tied and put away against future use. Some clements are naturally colored, as the inner bark of the Spanish Bayonet. Or, perhaps the weaver wishes to dye the material she is to use. Either native or aniline dyes may be employed. Techniques used by the Arizona Indian basket maker may be briefly summarized. By far the most popular is coiling. This is a process whereby one or more elements serve as a foundation and over the foundation is sewed a single element. Generally the sewing is close together, although there is considerable tribal or individual variation. Sometimes the sewing is done intentionally at wide intervals; this is called open coil. A second popular technique is plaiting. This involves the crossing at right angles clements identical in size, shape, and weight. This method usually involves the use of wide, fiat and large elements. Plain plaiting is the crossing of one element over one other element. If the alternation becomes more complex, as over three, under three, it is called twill plaiting. Twining is the third method of basketry production. Much variation appears here, but basically there are vertical elements called warps crossed by one or more horizontal elements called wefts. Both elements are usually more rigid than those used in coiling, particularly the warp. These three techniques have varied design potentials. Coiled basketry can produce the greatest variety, either in geometric and life forms or large and small patterns. Because of the large elements used in plaiting, this method is productive of limited, simple and large geometric patterns. In spite of its usual restraints, expressed in simple bands of small geometric patterns, the wicker technique, in the hands of the Hopi, has expanded to include life forms as well. Basketry is usually thought of in terms of the production of vessels. Actually the Arizona Indian used basketry techniques for a great many purposes. First, of course, would be bowls, jars, and miscellaneous containers. Several tribes water-proofed jars and used them for water storage. Baskets for carrying burdens were and are popular. Natively basketry materials and techniques have been used for the production of mats, cradle boards or parts of them, shelves, por rests, screens, walls, head bands and other small items. When white man's influence came into the picture a great variety of odds and ends began to appear, including among others, sewing baskets, flat dises, figures of plants, animals, and humans, and waste baskets.

In the native forms of baskets there is generally better quality than in the novelty types. And in older baskets there is apt to be still better quality. Perhaps this can be explained in this fact: in the old days, a young Pima woman had to be able to produce a good basket before she was considered worthy of marriage. Also elements of the Hopi. Over ribs of sumac or willow are woven one of several varieties of rabbit brush. Ofren the latter elements will be dyed, either with aniline or native dyes. The native dyes may be earth colors, as white from kaolin or black from coal, or derived from plants, as yellow from rabbit brush flowers or purple from either purple corn or amaranth. Designs in Hopi wicker basketry range from simple geometric bands in the deeper forms to striking patterns of birds, parts of birds, or kachinas in a flat, round tray.

the women vied with each other to do the finest work. Two great incentives, indeed!

Today basketry is on the wane among most Arizona tribes. Hopis are the most productive, with Papagos second. Cotton picking and other wage work has discouraged the latter tribe in this native industry. Apaches still produce a few baskers, while Navajo and Yuman tribes seldom weave baskers. Because of these trends the following discussion will include recent as well as contemporary efforts of the basket weaver.

Hopi basket weaving is expressed in the three basic techniques. Plaiting is done on all three mesas, coiling is restricted to Second Mesa; and wicker baskets are woven solely on Third Mesa. This craft flourishes among the Hopi today, and they produce baskets both for native use and for sale.

Plaited shallow bowls are made of yucca leaves. First a square is made of the leaves; this is then fitted into a ring made of a sumac rod. Uneven edges of the mat are pulled over the outside, secured by sewing, trimmed off evenly, and the basket is finished. Designs are usually produced by combining yucca leaves which are green (new shoots), yellow (sun-bleached), and white (tender inner shoots). The design may be in the weave itself, all in one shade of yucca, or in several shades. Simple or complex arrangements of squares, diamonds, or zigzags are common in twill plaiting.

The Hopis also weave a flat piece called a “piki” tray. Rolls of paper-thin piki bread are piled on this tray for ceremonial occasions. The main part of the tray is plaited; the edge is done in the wicker weave. Other objects plaited by the Hopis include mats, bottles, forehead bands, and pottery rings.

Artistically, wicker basketry is one of the great accomplishments.

Coiled baskets made by Hopis include flat plaques and deeper forms. Although the coil is quite large, and very round, the sewing is so beautifully done with such fine stitches that complex designs can be and are produced. Often more colors are used, but the typical combination in this weave is in black, red, and yellow on white or natural yucca. Designs run the gamut from simple geometric squares, steps, and lines to cloud symbols and life forms. In the latter category are deer and other animals farmiliar to these people, humans, birds, and particularly popular, the kachina. Often the latter subject is treated in an interesting manner, with a greatly enlarged head area, including mask and superstructure, and greatly reduced body size. Of course, in the kachina dancer, it is on the mask and its attached superstructure that the Hopi places greatest emphasis.

Quite often the designs in Hopi basketry may be so highly conventionalized that it is almost impossible to determine what was in the mind of the weaver. Again, they are thoroughly realistic, with rain dripping from the piled up clouds, or in unmistakable horns of the deer, or the lovely mask of the butterfly kachina.

Although the Hopis are the only Pueblo Indians in the state of Arizona, it might be noted in passing that they are the only Pueblo Indians of the Southwest who have carried on this craft art to any degree. The Jemez tribe of New Mexico continues to produce a plaited ring basket; otherwise there is no basketry production among the contemporary puebloans.

Two other excellent basket-weaving tribes of Arizona were the Pimas and Papago. Unfortunately this is fast becoming a lost art among these descendants of the prehistoric Hohokams. However, there have been several refreshing revivals of this craft, particularly among the Papagos. Ability to weave remains; it is the pattern of training which has been diverted into other chan-nels through white contact. Before 1915, approximately, Pimas and Papagos were produc-ing may baskets of the same materials, namely willow and cottonwood. Other types of baskeæry reflected the environments of these two tribes. For example, in the bordes basket, called "klaha," the Papago used sotol while the Pima used maguey. Later on the regional variation is even greater, with the Papago adopting the more readily available yucca for the majority of their weav-ing, this replaced the willow which had been traded into the more barren Papago land from the river valleys of the Pimas.

The most common basket produced by thase two tribes, early and late, was and is the bowl basket. As an all-purpose utensil, particularly for food, it had to be serviceable, And it was. In fact, it was water-tight. There was some variation in this early forms. The Pipago bowl was more globular, wider and shallowers with a broad and flat base, and more nearly perpendicular walls. The Pime fown was more slender and bail shaped. Other forms of the willow basket were made by both tribes, particularly the tray. The Pirmss also rande a coiled storage jar in willow.

Since the above date, the Papago has practically abandoned this willow bowl, except for his own uses. Contacts with whits man spparently inspired the weaver to turn to the production of a more quickly made basket of the more readily available yucca. With a change in material came a change in form from the clastic bowl of naive use to a variety of "curio" forms, generally mmaller in size, not as refined in form, and quite definitely catering to the tastes of the White purchasez. This trend gained momentum during the twestias and thirties; today few non-indians realize that the Papagos ever made anything but yucca baskets.

Pima and Papago willow baskets also reveal some interesting points of contrast in matters of design. As martynia was the only sewing material which grew in the Papago area, the basket might be made of this material and decorated with willow. Or, if made of willow, it was heavily decorated with martynis. in any event the heavier use of the darker material gave a distinct character to Papago designs, a dominance of dark over light. Lines and design areas are smally broader and heavier in the Papago product, lighter and amsiler in the Pima. Papage designs might be char-acterized as simpler and more maniva, Pirms as more delicate and involved, Papagos featured horizontal bands and vertical and encircling frets, while the Pins often favored whorls, spirals, and rosettes. The racking of willow basknes has virtually disappeared among both of these tribes, bot yuoca baskets are still made by the Papego. During the 1930's this product received quite a boost through the effores of the Papago Arts and Crafts Board. There was considerable improvement in preparation of material, weavingdesigns, and forms. Thereafter, sad particolarly since World War II, wages for conon picking and other labor have contribuaed heavily to the deterioration of this Papago craft.

During the last three decades a wide variety of forms and designs has appeared in yucca baskets. Small sizes prodonimsto, although occasional larger ones appear. Bowls, wusca baskets, flat-bottomed trays, trinker forms with Nds, and jars can be listed among the many variations. Designs have veared from the well integrated and plessing styles of earlier years toward spotty and limited geometric themes. Occasional life forms appear, sometimes even pictorial themes, as a Papago wonen gathering samaro fruit. Quite recandy designs have further degenerated as a result of the increase in the size of the coll. Of course a fut coil curs dow the time required for making a basket.

An interesting deviation in the coiled technique is to be noted among the Pirna sed Papego. For years boch tribes made large and rather foamless storage baskets in an open-coil weave. Among the Pimas, the fat colls of wheat straw were held together by widely separated szieches done in mesquite back. Smaller utility baskets made in the same manner and of the same materials, were often better shaped.

The Papagos applied this same open-coiled weave, using yucor sewing elements. Carefully formed and smil, oval brukets with lide, jars and bowls and occasional larger forms were produced. Often the sewing was meticulous. Sometimes the stitching was arranged obliquely, sometimes the stitobes were split, both adding to the artistry of the besker.

A most interesting and unusual burden basket was formerly made by both the Pimas and the Papagos. This "kiaka" was produced in a technique called "coil without foundation," best described as a looping process. This cone shaped basket was woven of cordage made of sotol or yacea (Papago) or magusy (Pima) over a framework of sahuaro ribs. Human hair was used to attach the basket to a large hoop of willow and to the frambog sticks. As the cordage was looped, intricate geometric designs were produced. To emphasize them, the designs were rubbed with red and blue paint.

Plaited basketry products were formerly very important to both Pimes and Papagos. Papagos used sotol and Pimas cane for the production of mats, bowls, various bands, zings to be used for pottery rests, and rectangular and square baskets. One of the amost interesting of the latter was made for ceremonial purposes, namely for the equipment of the medicine man. It was a long rectangular shape and had a lid of approximately the same depth, Athough twill plaiting was used, there was less designing in this Papago basket then is one of the Hopi bowi.

Because of their more nomadic lives in earlier years, the Apaches produced a large quantity of baskets. A tightly woven tray basket served many purposes, both utility and ceremonial. A pitched boule was used for collecting and storing water. And a carrying basket was the ally of the women, for they were la-ded the burden bearers of this tribs.

The common materials used by the Apache in making coiled baskets were willow and martynis; therefore in this respect they resemble Fina and old Papago coiled baskets. However, the Apache used a three-rod foundation, with two of the elements on the bottom and one above. This resulted in a triangular foundation. Pimas and Papagos used bundles of shredded material, arranging the alamants in a fistter coll. In later years, the Papago, izs using a split bear grass foundation with yucca sewing splins, acrosily pounded the foundation to make it all the flatter. Apache beskets have a corrugseed surface, then, in contrast to the latter sarface of the Pima and Papago prodact.

Apache coils are small, the stitching is fins and even. These details, coupled with fairly detailed and all-over designing, result in a pleasing product. On flaring bowl and flat shouldered jar forms the arrangement of patterns is good. Designs are character-ized by a great deal of animation, whether life or geometric in style. Small blocks are built up from a circular black center into vertical, diagonal, or zigzag arrangements. These form unified and dynamic patterns. Movement in such patterns is often relieved by the addition of small, isolated, and often unevenly distributed single elements.

Although the small block elements in Apache designing are used largely for geometric designs, they are also cleverly combined to create life subjects. Among the latter are men, some-times on horseback, women, deer, horses, and dogs. Cromes diamonds, chevrons, or other simple figures may be used in place of the life forms.

Apache Indians make no plaited baskets. However, they are very adept in wicker work, in twined wicker they produce a fine water bottle and carrying basiter, Both are still used by the Arizona Apache Indians at San Carlos and Whiteriver. Although mulberry was formerly very popular (and it acquired a lovely silvery glow in time), willow and cottoerwood are the more common materials for the border basket.

Plain and fancy (twill) twining may be combined in the production of the carrying basket. The fancy technique will be med to form one or several bands for decorative effect. The band elements may be dyed or may be rubbed with color after the weaving is completed. Long, thin strips of buckskin, often dyed a bright yellow, may be added in one or several rows to give more decorative effect. To the ends of the leather fringes may be added a last touch, small cones of tin which produce a pleasing, tilding sound as the Apache woman swings along with the basket on her back.

The Apache water bottle is a perfect answer to these Indians who had a tendency to wander, for it will not break, it is fairly light, and it can be made of the materials at hand in the homeland of this tribe. Over whole twigs of sumac or squawberry are diagonally twined split elements of the same materials. In this manner they create wide-mouthed, flat or rounded shouldered, and full-bodied jars. Weaving in this bottle is quite crude as a rule, and rarely is any but a single line, twill-twined pattern produced, and this at some point of axes. After the basket isfinished, ground leaves of juniper and red ochre are rubbed into the surface. In this manner all the interstices are closed, which is the first step for waterproofing.

Sometimes Apache families go on pinyon pitch gathering expeditions. From natural or artificial gashes in the trees, they scoop out the pitch. This is then stored for future use. It is carefully melted, dabed over the outside of the basket, and then the basket interior is thoroughly covered with the sticky sub-stance. When it is dry and hardens, it serves as a perfect water-proofing agent.

Navajo Indians have never been famed as basket weavers. However, for years they have produced a good quality coiled basket. More recently they have traded with the Paiutes for this product, the latter tribe weaving a wedding basket according to Navajo specificstions.

Water bottles and bowls ware forms woven in early years by the Navajo. The former was simple in shape and undecorated. Bowls often had simple bands or crosses with squares at the corners. The common decoration on the wedding basket, still used today, and whether Navajo or Paiutes made, is a composite band of two red, zigzag-edged bands on either side of a plain black band. An opening at one point in the design has ceremonial significance when used in the wedding or other rites. Always this basket must have a herring-bone finish on the edge.

Currently the Navajo wedding basket is degenerating. Coils are becoming much too large and the stitching is too far spare. Through the years tho, Paiutes have made a beautiful water bottle - one of the most graceful in shape. It has a very small mouth, a narrow neck from which the body gradually swells out to about the middle, then it tapers downward and inward almost to a point. No decoration is needed for this graceful bottle.

Some coiled basketry was formerly done by several of the Yuman tribes, but little is made today. Both Walapai and Havasupai produce occasional open bowl forms, with simple black, geometric designs. Because of their close contact with certain Apaches, the Yavapais, who do comparable work, have added a few life patterns.

Walapai and Havasupai tribes have made, and still make, some interesting wicker baskets. In both the old and new types, the Walapai employed diagonal twining, using squawberry. Older forms which are now practically obsolete, included burden baskets, trays, and water bottles. Taking the place of these more attractive forms is a straight-sided bowl made to sell. Decorating this bowl are bands of simple geometric designs in commercial dyes, red and green being favorites.

Havasupais still make, on occasion, an attractive, cone-shaped burden basket. Acacia, cottonwood, or willow may be used; the technique is often a combination of plain and diagonal twining. If designing is present, it is in simple bands, either in the weave or in narrow black or deep red bands of geometric designs.

All in all, Arizonas Indian basketry is anything but defunct. Some tribes have ceased to weave, or nearly so, as the Pimas, but there is a healthy production among others. Perhaps the Hopis are the best example of the latter situation. And among the Hopis there is a continuation of the old and traditional techniques enlivened by a spurt of designing and creation of new forms which has far exceeded that of the past.

TEXTILES

Weaving is another craft of great antiquity in the Southwest. Like basketry, there is a strong inheritance in techniques, forms, and designs, particularly in the puebloid groups. When the Spanish arrived in 1540, weaving was still at a high level. After their arrival, and the introduction of sheep, this craft passed to the Navajos, presumably by way of the pueblos.

The Spanish brought to the Pueblo folk a new material, wool. The puebloans continued to weave ceremonial objects in the native cotton, but used wool extensively for pieces for everyday wear. Anglo-Americans brought in Germantown and other commercial yarns, and aniline dyes, commercial cotton, and metal carders. Spaniards introduced a few new ideas relative to form and design; the Anglos introduced many more of the same. Otherwise this craft has carried on in the native manner, showing normal growth and change which reflects the history of these native Arizonans.

Arizona tribes other than Hopis and Navajos can be dismissed with a few comments, for, as a whole, there was no great development of weaving among any of them.

Apache Indians wore skin clothing. Any textiles they might have acquired would have been in trade with other Indians or with white men. In general, the same is true of the Paiutes except for a rabbit skin blanket which they produced. As the same general type of blanket was made by the Hopis and several Yuman groups, it will be described briefly at this point.

Reputedly, Hopi women weave rabbit skin blankets in secret. Rabbit skins are cut in narrow strips, wrapped spirally about a strong and continuous wool cord (cotton originally), and strung on a rough, upright loom frame. A stout wool weft is doubled, looped at one end of the warps, and finger twined across the loom. There it is secured. This is repeated as often as the weaver considers necessary.

It is reported that the Yuman tribe produced a similar blanket on a horizontal loom, sometimes substituting bark for the rabbit skin strips. Yuma Indians may also have woven a simple cotton blanket on the horizontal loom.

Maricopas were still making belts and bands in the 1920's.

These long and narrow pieces, also made by Yumas, Pimas, and Papagos, were commonly made to fasten the infant to the cradle board. Woven of cotton, basically (among the Papagos with a little bayeta or other wool yarn added), they were decorated with simple line or geometric patterns running from end to end. It is thought that patterns for girl babies were different from those for boy babies among the Maricopas. Quite a variety of colors was used.

Not since the late nineteenth century have the Pimas and Papagos done any weaving. It is thought that the women did the spinning, the men the weaving. Here again the horizontal loom was used for the larger pieces. The chief product of this loom was a plain cotton blanket in the natural color of this material, a creamy white. The only decoration was a red or dull brown selvage.

Men do the weaving among the Hopi Indians. Hotevilla, on Second Mesa, has long been the center of this activity, although some weaving goes on in all of the villages of this tribe. A man sets up his loom in his home or in a kiva (a ceremonial chamber). The latter seems to have been an age old custom, for evidences of the practice of weaving in kivas have been found in archaeological sites.

In early years, and until quite recently, Hopi men cultivated the cotton which they used. Today they purchase it in the form of a ball of string at the trading post. Native cotton was earlier cleaned and straightened by hand. The conservative Hopi continued to do this until recent years, but his more progressive brother used the commercial carder. In either case, spinning was done by hand, with a native spindle stick and attached whorl. After sheep were introduced, this same story applies to wool.

Cotton or wool might be used in the natural color or dyed. Native cotton was a creamy white, wool is white, black, or various shades of grey or brown. Both cotton and wool might be dyed with native plants which gave yellow, black, dull red or purple, orange, and green. Indigo was traded into the Hopi area in earlier years. When aniline dyes were introduced, they were used by some Hopi Indians; gradually they have replaced vegetable dyes.

NOTES FOR PHOTOGRAPHERS OPPOSITE PAGE

"HOPI WEAVER" BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Anscochrome; f.20 at 1/5th sec.; 10" Commercial Ektar lens; electronic flash and daylight; ASA rating 32. Taken in village of Shongopovi on Second Mesa, Hopi reservation, approximately 135 miles north and east from Flagstaff, Arizona, via U.S. 89 and Route 1 to Tuba City, then Route 3 to Hopi Villages. The weaver is weaving a ceremonial sash. Sashes are worn as part of the costume for ceremonial dances.

"PAPAGO BASKET MAKER" BY CHARLES W. HERBERT OF WESTERN WAYS. Rolleiflex camera; Ektachrome; f.22 at 1/50th sec.; Schneider Kruetznach lens; almost 800 meter reading; ASA rating 32. Angelita Davis is one of the best Papago basket weavers. This scene was taken at her home on the San Xavier Papago Reservation. Going south on the Nogales road-U.S. 89Angelita's home is located about four miles west of "89" where you turn off to go to San Xavier Mission. You can see the Mission from her home.

"NAVAJO SILVERSMITH" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.11 at 1/50th sec. 6" Schneider Xenar lens; taken with blue flash. Taken at the Gallup Intertribal Indian Ceremonials (usually mid-August) as a silversmith works while interested spectators look on. The Navajo likes to work with his hands and his skill in creating designs or in using favorite tradi-tional ones is well employed in this craft which is becoming increasingly popular with non-Indians.

"HOPI BASKET WEAVER" BY BOB TOWERS. Rolleiflex camera; Ektachrome; f.8 at 1/200th sec.; Zeiss Tessar lens. Photo-graph was made at Shongopovi. Girl is daughter of Esther and Steve Hohanami. Shongopovi is on the Hopi Reservation, east of Tuba City but not too far from Oraibi.

"HOPI MOCCASIN MAKER" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.11 at 1/50th sec.; 6" Schneider Xenar lens; taken with blue flash. At the Gallup Intertribal Indian Ceremonial, a Hopi craftsman works on one of the trim and so-comfortable moccasins of carefully tanned hide. Originally Indian, the style is now widely used. In a world of "factory shoes," it is interesting to watch a moccasin-maker producing footgear such as trod the desert lands long before the coming of the white man.

"SUMMER-NAVAJOLAND" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Graphic View camera; Kodachrome; f.16 at 1/10th sec.; 6" Ektar lens; sunny day with clouds. Taken at Monument Valley on the Arizona-Utah border, Navajo Indian Reservation. Under a logbrush shelter, Happy Cly works at her loom as her husband, Willie, sits "desert fashion" nearby. Beyond the family group can be seen the Yebechai formation, with the 800-foot Totem Pole standing out against the sky. Happy Cly was probably one of the most photographed of all Navajo Indians. Her many friends will be saddened to learn of her death early this year.

"APACHE BEADWORK" BY JOSEPH MUENCH. 4x5 Graphic View camera; Kodachrome; f.11 at 1/50th sec.; 6" Ektar lens; taken outdoors under natural light. Taken on the Apache Indian Reservation in Arizona. Not only pretty to look at but pleasant to hear, when the Apache girl swings her arms and the little "bells" jangle-these purses are most attractive. Metal bands at the ends of the fringe give a tinkly sound when they strike one another.

"NAVAJO RUG DESIGNS" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.14 at 1/10th sec.; 6" Schneider Xenar lens. Purchased by the photographer on the Navajo Indian Reserva-tion in Arizona. One of the older type designs-simple but effective.

CAMERA DATA

"NAVAJO BEAD NECKLACES" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.14 at 1/50th sec.; 8" Zeiss Tessar lens; taken with blue flash. Taken on the Navajo Indian Reservation, Arizona. Long before silver was introduced to the Indians, they used the turquoise for necklaces, stringing them on plain string and setting shaped shell beads between. There is great variety in the styles, achieved by varying the size of beads and their relative position.

"NAVAJO ARTISTRY IN WOOL" BY JOSEPH MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.14 at 1/10th sec.; 6" Schneider Xenar lens. Purchased by the photographer on the Navajo Indian Reservation in Arizona. Each rug made by these skilled weavers is original in design-you will not find a duplicate. Here a Navajo woman has used bright colors and bold patterns for her work.

"AN INTRICATE NAVAJO CREATION" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome E-1; f.14 at 1/10th sec.; 6" Schneider Xenar lens. Perfectly proportioned, this design is carried out pleasingly by the Navajo woman who worked at a crude loom, creating the pattern as she went along with the knowledge it would last for many years and be unique.

"BEAD ARTICLES BY APACHES." This photograph by Josef Muench shows how Apaches use beads in many artistic ways. THE TWO PHOTOGRAPHS ON PAGE 23 TITLED "NAVAJO JEWELRY" AND "CHOICE NAVAJO DESIGNS" ARE INCORRECTLY TITLED. SHOWN IS HOPI JEWELRY-NOT NAVAJO JEWELRY. THE PHOTOGRAPHER GIVES CAMERA DATA AS FOLLOWS: "HOPI JEWELRY" (upper right) BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome; f.10 at 1/50th sec.; 135mm Schneider lens; summer; electronic flash; guide No. 65. Taken at Oraibi, Arizona, on the Hopi Indian Reservation. Hopi jewelry design is stylized from decorations found on prehistoric artifacts created by ancestors of the Hopi people.

"HOPI SILVER WORK" BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome; f.10 at 1/50th sec.; Schneider 135mm lens; summer; electronic flash; guide No. 65 meter reading. Taken at Hopi Silvercraft Guild, Oraibi, Arizona.

"CHOICE HOPI DESIGNS" (center-left) BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome; f.10 at 1/50th sec.; Schneider 135mm lens; electronic flash; guide No. 65. Taken at Hopi Silvercraft Guild, Oraibi, Arizona. The designs, as well as the fabrication, is by members of the Hopi Silvercraft Guild. Included in the display are examples of Hopi overlay and mosaic.

"HOPI BASKETS" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Graphic View camera; Kodachrome; f.14 at 1/10th sec.; 6" Ektar lens; June; taken under natural sunny conditions. Taken on the Hopi Reservation where these colorful baskets are made. The right lower basket is in two colors-the natural and black. It is used for sacred ceremonies. The other two, in reds and greens are household utensils. Yucca fibers and other native plants are prepared and colored for the basket-making.

"HOPI POTTERY" BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Ektachrome; f.10 at 1/50th sec.; 135mm Schneider lens; electronic flash; guide No. 65 meter reading. Taken at Oraibi, Arizona. Hopi potters cling to ancient concepts of design in the decoration of their modern pottery. The potsherds in the foreground were found in a Hopi ruin and provided the basic patterns for these exquisite examples of the Hopi potter's art.

"APACHE BASKETS" BY JOSEF MUENCH. 4x5 Graphic View camera; Kodachrome; f.11 at 1/25th sec.; 6" Ektar lens; June; taken under natural sunny conditions. Taken on the White River Apache Reservation in Arizona. The Apaches are skilled in making decorative, firmly woven baskets such as these.

OPPOSITE PAGE

"HOPI POTTER" BY J. H. McGIBBENY. 4x5 Linhof camera; Anscochrome; f.8 at 1/50th sec.; 135mm Schneider lens; summer; electronic flash; guide No. 85 meter reading; ASA rating 32. Taken in Walpi, Hopi village on First Mesa, Arizona. Walpi and other Hopi villages may be reached from Flagstaff, Winslow and Holbrook, Arizona, or from Gallup, New Mexico. No overnight accommodations. Hopi pottery is made by coiling the dough-like clay and forming the piece with the hands. No wheel is used. The design is painted on the air-dried pot with a brush of shredded yucca leaf.

Hopi Indians inherited the upright loom from their Southwestern ancestors. After stringing the warp in figure-8 fashion, the weaver places it in the upright loom. A heddle rod is attached to warps to form a shed; two or more rods are then attached to separate warps, depending on the type of weave to be accomplished. A batten stick, several inches wide and with one blade-like edge, is inserted between warps. This batten will be used to hold the shed open so that the weft can be inserted, or it may be used to pound down the wefts in the tapestry weave. A few words about the major weaves may explain the capabilities of these Hopi people. Again, all of the described techniques were inherited from the prehistoric past.

Plain or basket weave is usually a simple over one under one alternation of warps and wefts. It is done in cotton or wool. In twill weave, the alternation of wefts over warps is varied, for example, over three, under three, then, with the same alternation, moving over one thread in the next row, and so on. Obviously, quite a bit of variation is possible here, resulting in numerous patterns in the weave. Plain and twill tapestry weaves are similar to plain and twill weaves except that in the tapestry the wefts are pounded down so as to conceal the warps. Two decorative techniques which are popular among Hopi weavers are embroidery and brocading. The first is the addition of elements, usually in bright colors, to the finished fabric. Brocading is the addition of similar secondary elements during the weaving process.

Broadly speaking, cotton is still used primarily for ceremonial objects, such as the woman's wedding robe and sash, kilts, sashes, and embroidered dresses. Wool is commonly used for everyday garments and blankets, as blankets for babies, boys, or men, maiden's shawls, and rugs. A few items may be woven of either material. Embroidery and brocading are commonly done in Germantown or other wool. Whether produced in the process of weaving or added afterwards, designs in Hopi fabrics tend to be traditional. This is particularly true of the ceremonial garments. In embroidered dresses and kilts, and brocaded sashes, cloud and rain themes are prominent. This work is done in black, green, red, touches of orange, or occasional other colors. Very few rugs are made by Hopi men, and the majority of these tend to conform to a basic edge to edge, banded type of patterning. Colors tend to remain conservative also, with the use of white, black, several shades of blue, touches of red, and rarely, a few other colors.

All of the items discussed above except the women's wedding belt and the man's ceremonial sash are made on the upright loom. The wedding sash is an elaborately braided affair, with large balls and long tassels at the ends. The man's sash is made on a special loom, until recently a "waist loom," so named because it was attached at one end about the waist of the weaver. Within this century the Hopi has learned to rig this narrow loom in an upright position.

Many smaller bits of weaving have been, and some still are, done by Hopi men. Among these are narrower belts, bands, and garters, all basically red with end to end decoration in black, and, sometimes, green and white. Knitted footless stockings, in black, are also made by the men.

Tradition has been a strong factor in this perpetuation of Hopi weaving. Not only must the members of this tribe wear the native, handmade kilts, sashes, and blankets in their ceremonies, but also other Southwest tribes trade with the Hopi for the same pieces. Certainly there has been some substitution along the way, and there will be more in the near future, but to date the craft of weaving is still a lively one among the Hopi Indians.

Navajo weaving is rooted in this pueblo craft, although it is believed that the Navajos did not take up the craft until the historic period. In fact, it is quite likely that the Navajos wore buckskin clothing not only before this incident but also for some time thereafter. Navajos tell delightful tales of the origin of weaving among their people. Spider Woman, a mythical figure, taught them to weave. Probably with tongue in cheek, they then tell how their fine young bucks, riding bareback, went into the herds of the pueblo tribes and cut out a few animals for themselves.

Be that as it may, by some circumstance not yet too clear to students of Navajo history, this tribe acquired sheep some time around the opening of the eighteenth century, and probably from Pueblo Indians. As technology of weaving and equipment, too, are distinctly puebloid, the chances are good that the source and time of acquisition of these were the same. Materials and designs reflect the story of weaving among the Navajo Indians. Up to 1800, it is thought that the women of this tribe used nothing but wool in its natural colors, and, possibly, rare vegetable dyes. Limited and simple stripes, from edge to edge, were the only patterns; many blankets were plain. Shortly after 1800, this obviously puebloan influence began to give way to Navajo ideas. First was added a little more in the way of vegetable dyes and a bit of bayeta. This latter was a beize-like material manufactured in England, traded to Spain, thence to Mexico. Eventually it found its way into the Southwest, either in the form of bolt material or in Spanish uniforms. Navajo women unraveled the original material, respun it, and wove it in combination with the native wool. As bayeta was a bright red color (rarely other colors), often it carried the burden of design. Although stripes remained popular, small geometric elements between them were introduced by Navajo weavers. This combination pleased their fancy, and by 1850 some rather elaborately designed blankets were made in this style, using more and more bayeta and other colored wool. Products of the 1850's and 1860's are referred to as "classic," with allover but reserved designs. Edge to edge patterns continue with combinations of zigzags, bands, diamonds, crosses, lines, and occasional other themes. Most of the designing was in small patterns; some of it utilized larger elements. Woven dresses for women were now popular. The style was a

two blanket affair, one worn in front, the other in back, fastened over the shoulders and down the sides, and belted at the waist. A center section, one-fourth to one-third of the total blanket, was black. Each end was a wide red area, with almost-line patterns in varying geometric themes, as zigzag, broken lines, or diamonds. If the women could obtain the material, the red sections were of bayeta. Trading posts were first established in the Navajo country in the early 1870's. This was to change the story of weaving, for the post brought in Germantown and other yarns and aniline dyes. After 1875 the Navajo blanket began to take on quite a different character. The new product reflects a weaver's spree, in color and design alike. Now many blankets have end to end rather than edge to edge designs. Many patterns are comprised of the same old elements, which are now greatly increased in size. Now colors are riotous. Early and late throughout the history of Navajo weaving a good weaver employs a limited number of elements in her total design. There would be greater sweeping zigzags or diamonds, running from end to end. Thus, in spite of other trends, this tradition tended to dominate in the flamboyant 1880's and 1890's. Some of the color combinations of this period, however, knew no limits. In a single blanket might appear the following combination: red, purple, yellow, and greens; or in another pink, red, light green, dark green, yellow, orange and black. Today, if one looks at these pieces, the colors are softened by age. What they were originally is hard to accept. One other trend of this period, and a completely new one in Two blanket affair, one worn in front, the other in back, fastened over the shoulders and down the sides, and belted at the waist. A center section, one-fourth to one-third of the total blanket, was black. Each end was a wide red area, with almost-line patterns in varying geometric themes, as zigzag, broken lines, or diamonds. If the women could obtain the material, the red sections were of bayets. Trading posts were first established in the Navajo country Navajo weaving, is the appearance of the pictorial blanket. In these the Navajo represented a form of life, or, perhaps, told a story. One blanket shows the figures of several horned animals, probably cows. Another depicts a train in rather complete fashion; the engine smoking vigorously, and several cars, some with cartle in them. In another, massive zigzags are so arranged as to create allover diamonds, and in each diamond there is a four-legged creature, again probably cows. Sometime around 1890 the Navajo weaver began to use a border all the way around har blanket. Perhaps she was becoming weary of the many wild designs of the previous few years and was resorting to this device to aid in controlling the pattern. Be that as it may, borders came in to stay, at least in some types of blankets. All weaving up to some time between 1880 and 1890 had been done by Navajo women for Navajos or other Indians. When white men began to trade for the product of the Navajo loom about this time, he had little use for a blanket. As a consequence, the blanket became a rug. The blanket went out. To the present moment, this situation prevails. The Navajo weaver produces bur one object for his own use, namely a saddle blanket. A woman weaves these for her husband, brother, or father. Genwhite men began to trade for the product of the Navajo loom about this time, he had little use for a blanket. As a consequence, the blanket became a rug. The blanket went out. To the present moment, this situation prevails. The Navajo weaver produces bur one object for his own use, namely a saddle blanket. A woman weaves these for her husband, brother, or father. GenGenerally, saddle blankers are not sold, for the Navajo prefers his own product to the commercial one. It is in the saddle blanket that the Navajo has expressed the most subele patterning and handling of color. Fancy tapestry weaves are common, as plain twill, and diamond twill weaves. Black, white, and gray, or black, white, and red are common colors used. Brown is sometimes incorporated with one or several of these. In more recent years vegetable dyes have been used in the making of saddle blankets. Perhaps the most popular weave in saddle blankets is the most subele patterning and handling of color. Fancy tapestry weaves are common, as plain twill, and diamond twill weaves. Black, white, and gray, or black, white, and red are common colors used. Brown is sometimes incorporated with one or several of these. In more recent years vegetable dyes have been used in the making of saddle blankets. Perhaps the most popular weave in saddle blankets is the reverse weave, generally called double weave. In this style the wefts are so manipulated that where the pattern is black on one side it will be white on the other, and so on with the other colors. Some of the patterns in saddle blankets would include allover, end to end, side to side, or diagonal stripes; diamonds or zigzags in simple or complex groupings; herringbone arrangements; lozenges; and stripes, bands, and simple geometric elements in the old-style edge to edge arrangements. Sometimes one element only is repeated in a tight distribution over the entire surface of the blanket. Occasionally two elements may be combined in one piece. For the most part these fancy weaves have been confined to the saddle blanket. Since World War II, some larger rugs have been produced in these attractive weaves, some of them representing excellent craftsmanship. Several examples produced recently combined soft yellow, white, and black in well prepared yarns and exquisite weaving; the end result was one of the most refined products I have ever seen from a Navajo loom. During the twentieth century, many regional styles have developed in Navajo weaving. On the Western part of the ResReservation, a fuzzy saddle blanket has been the most common type. Other styles have been produced, but in limited quantities. The Chinice rug features old style edge to edge patterning combinations in stripes, bands, and small geometric elements. Colors, however, are quite different from the earlier ones. For example, here are several Chinlee combinations: white, black, yellow, and rose can; or white, black, grey, henna, pale greenish-yellow, and sepia. Vegetable dyes predominate in the Chinlee rug, and in most of them appear some shades of yellow or brown, or a subdued pink, with other colors not uncommonly used. This revival of vegetable dyes, which occurred in the early 1920's, spread to other parts of the Reservation. Very important were the developments of the 1930's in the Wide Ruins area. The sarne colors are often featured, but they have a tendency to be lighter and clearer. Navajo women were encouraged to better prepare their wools and to improve their weaving. As a result, some of the finest weaving of recent years has come out of the Wide Ruins area in these vegetable dye rugs. The Tes Nos Pas (spelled various other ways, also) rug is most interesting. It is characterized by bands of wavy lines, ofren in black and white, which serve to set off bands of small geometric elements. This rug is made in the north-central part of the ResReservation. The Navajo is capable of borrowing the ideas of other people and using them even more effectively than the originator. This is well demonstrated in another local type of rug, the Two Grey Hills. This development took place first at a trading post at Crystal, New Mexico, close to the Arizona border, late in the nineteenth century. Influenced by the ideas of white man, a trader and possibly an artist, emphasis was placed on new arrangements of old themes, borders, and more reserved colors, stressing black, and grey and red. Designs tended to be rather simple and large.

These general ideas went over the Chuska Mountains to the east, into the Two Grey Hills area. Here they were modified and refined, to the end that the rug known by the same name, Two Grey Hills, is consistently one of the finest products of the Navajo loom. Designs have a delicacy and an architectural quality. The latter would seem to support one story which credits two architects with the beginning of this style.

The Two Grey Hills rug uses little or no red, featuring black, white, grey, and brown or tan. The border is often intricate, involving small geometric elements along with solid edge bands. This rug is tightly woven, as it is also of tightly spun yarn, it is generally quite thin as compared to many other Navajo rugs.

Navajo weaving is definitely on the decline today. Again, wage work has contributed heavily to the situation. But it is by no means a dead art. Navajo women are still producing outstanding and artistic rugs as well as poorer quality pieces. The Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild, traders on and off the Reservation, and others have influenced this trend towards better products.

Pottery making was and is essentially a hand craft among Arizona Indians. The one exception to this proves the rule: Charles Loloma, a Hopi Indian, now uses a porter's wheel in the forming of vessels. Otherwise, native materials and technology prevail in the production of pottery.

Clay is rather widespread in the Southwest, but better clays are not too abundant. Each village, or sometimes a lone potter, finds a good bed, avoiding poorer quality clays, and most certainly avoiding adobe clay, which cracks all too readily. Sometimes a woman has to walk several miles to the clay deposit. Formerly she dug the clay with a wooden stick, but now she uses a more efficient tool such as a metal pick. Some Indians still say a prayer or make a small offering for the clay received from the good earth.

The potter must pound the clay, remove rocks or other undesirable objects, grind the clay (often on a metate), and sift out the finest particles. Formerly sifting was done by tossing the ground clay on a windy day, letting the finest particles blow onto a near-by cloth. To the sifted clay is then added temper, a coarser substance such as sand particles. This will give body to the clay so that it will not crack in the drying and firing processes. A sufficient amount of water is added to make a dough-like mass; this is kneaded until thoroughly mixed.

Although most potters start a vessel by forming a lump of clay inside another pot, the major part of the vessel is formed by adding one large roll after another, building up to the desired size. Rolling the clay between the hands produces these sausage-like strips. The vessel may be poorly shaped in the building-up process, in fact, it may be a straight-sided affair. Then begins the real work. Using a piece of gourd rind on the outside and her hand on the inside, the pueblo potter curves the walls into gracefulforms. Pima and Papago potters employ a rounded stone anvil on the inside and a wooden paddle on the outside in the forming process.

The vessel must dry in the shade a day or two before the potter begins her decoration. Further smoothing of the surface precedes the addition of a thin wash or slip. This is usually applied with a rag. Not all Indian potters use a slip but those who do feel that it is necessary to produce the desired smoothness of surface for painted designs. In fact, some potters may add several such thin coats.

One of the most amazing aspects of native Indian decoration is that the potter never has a drawn design before her as she decorates a vessel. Nor does she measure, except possibly in a general way with her fingers. Nor does she sketch the design on the pot. The good worker comes out even in the finished design; there are, of course, some decorators who are not so successful.

Most often the Indian potter applies paints with a brush which has been popular for centuries. It is made of a yucca leaf which is chewed to remove the pulpy material of the leaf. The remaining fibers are cut to the desired thickness according to the line or mass work to be painted. Modern Papagos use the unaltered tip of a devil's claw for a paintbrush.

Paints may be mineral or vegetable. Hopi Indians boil down Tansy Mustard for black paint, adding a bit of hematite to form the paint. A yellow clay which they use becomes a red color or one of several shades of orange when the vessel is fired. White is produced from a fine white clay by this same tribe. Papagos rarely use a red paint for designs today, and when they do it is hematite mixed with mesquite gum. This is the same as their slip. Black, which is the common decorative color among the Papagos,is derived from boiling black bark of the mesqete and adding clear mesquite gum to the mixtare.

POTTERY

In prehistoric times, clay vessels comprised the major utensils of the native household. This situation continued well into historic years, bur by degrees white man's utensils of various materials gradually replaced the Indian product. Today, some clay vessels are made for native use by various Indian groups, while the same tribes and others may also make numerous clay products solely to sell to tourists.

Not many Arizona indians are producing pottery today. Again it is the pueblo group, the Hopis, who are practicing this craft most extensively.

Hopi pottery has had a most interesting history. Prehis orically the wares of their ancestors reached a high peak of artistic attainment in the fourteenth century. By historic times they were quite degenerate compared to the classic styles. By the end of the nineteenth century they were nothing short of poor wars. At this time so archaeologist and ethnologist was excavating the ancestral Hopi site, Süryatki. Here were found the beautiful classic wares.

Around the beginning of the nineteen hundreds, a group of Tewa Indians from New Mexico had settled next door to the ancient Hopi town of Walpi. A. descendent of this group, Nampto by name, became aware of the much more beautiful wares made by Hopi ancestors of Sikyatic and she decided that if they could do such fine work, so could she. Inspired by the flowing lines and many designs, she struck out in a new style. Her influence is still felt, to fact, some of the best Hopi potters today are these Tewa women, daughters and granddaughters of Nampeo.

Utility pottery may be made on any of the Hopi mesas today, but the decorated wares are made on First Mesa only, in the villages of Hano (the Tewa village), Walpi and Sichomovi. Utility wares include cooking and storage jars of a coarse paste and heavy walls. To waterproof jars they are covered with hot pinyon gum.

A piece of sandstone is used by the Hopi potter to smooth the thin walls of the vessel to be decorated. Some wares are polished with water-wora pebbles. Others are slipped, some with a white clay for a white surface, and some with a yellow clay, which turns red upon ûring. Slips are applied with either a rabbit's tail or a cloth.

Burning or firing the vessels is quite a chore for the Hopi potter. It is always done in the open. Cedar, sheep manure blocks, and native coal are used in the process. Preheating near a fire is done first, then the real burning occurs with a very hot fire.

In decorated pottery, two shapes are most common, a shallow bowl, often with an incurring rim, and a flat shouldered, small mouthed jar. Miscellaneous shapes, including some developed for tourists, would include jars with necks and more rounded bodies, canteens, ladles, tiles, rattles, candlesticks, and cookie jars.

Designs are different for each of the first two forms, bowls and jars. Usually decoration is on the interior of bowls and is often asymmetrical in nature. The opposite is true of jars, for the design is outside, very symmetrical, and repetitive. Favored themes are birds and parts of birds, as wings, beaks, and feathers. Ocher designs are used, of course, as kachinas or kachins masks, scrolls and other geometric elements.

Hopi woman potters are famous for their painting. It is said that they are the "pre-eminent masters of line." Often this work has a rhythm and movement seldom seen in ceramic decora tion. Rich indeed are the black patterns on the soft tan or rosy buff ground of the well-shaped Hopi clay vessels.

Products of other Arizona potters fall far below the high standards of the Hopi Indians. This is particularly true in matters of form and decoration.

Pimas and Papagos had a rich heritage in the ceramics of the Hohokams, especially in the simple but attractive life forms of their prehistoric ancestors. However, as far as the archaeologist can tell, the rich traditions of the Hohokams had started on the down grade before the and of the prehistoric paried, and contimsed into historic years.

Papago vessel forms can be divided into two general groups, those used by the Indians themselves and those made for tourists. Among the forms for native use are bowls and ollas. Bowls are either simple open forms or flatter and more tray-like. Jars are more varied and better suited, for they served more purposes. Small-mouthed jars are used for carrying and storing water. It is said that in the old days some of these had very long necks so that they could be buried in the ground by travelers for the return trip of their long journeys. Smaller and wider mouthed bean pots have logs to facilitate handling them. Canteens, cups, possibly dippers, and others cooking pots were, and some still are, made for use by these Indians. Small vessels in the forms of animals were made to hold water for small children.

Forms which were made for sale include quite a variety. Among these are ash trays; boxes; flower vases, & Bar, round and shallow dish; and other decorative pieces. A few years ago some Papago potters were modelling life forms in clay such as cows and horses. These were poorly done.

It is interesting to note in passing that the pieces made by Indians for their own use are much more refined in form. No doubt this is due to the fact that once the use value is fulfilled in a given form then the potter can give more attention to the refinement of that form. Also, many of the utility pieces depended on form alone for their aesthetic values. On the contrary, there is little or no aesthetic value in form of the majority of "curio" pieces.

Decoration on Papago pottery is generally in black designs on a red surface. Often the red slip is highly polished, having a real gloss. Perhaps the most common design is a repeated series of triangles with short curled tails pendent from the neck or rim of the vessel. A few other simple examples of limited geometric forms can be noted.

Not too many years ago the Papagos painted some of their vessels in red on an unslipped baff ground. No sxsuples of this style have been seen by the writer for some years.

On Papago pottery forra which is well remasmbazed by many white men in southern Arizona is the water jar or alla. Before refrigerators were common in this area, many white folk depended on the olla for their only cool drinking water. Made of porous elay, sometimes with sand added to make it more so, the water evaporated through the wells, keeping the contents of the olla very cool.

Pima pottery has had a history quite similar to that of tise Papago tribe. In fact, many authors describe the wares of the two groups together. However, it may be sided that Pirmas prodace little or no pottery todsy, while Papagos de contique 20 make csy vesels as described above. Botis Pimas and Papagoe have made a cream ware, genarally decorating is in black designs.

The Maricopa. Indians, close zaighbors of the Pimas for the past several hundred years, rofiset much of the pottery tradicion of the lestar group. One of the outstanding contaraporary Masicops potrars, Ida Reibird, had a Papago mother. It is not awe prising to find that the chief ware of the Maricopa tribe is, then, a zed ware with black decoration.

Maricopa women have refined the polished surface of their vessels. Even though it is a glossy finish, it does not have the "glassy" quality of some Papago wares. Too, the forms are simple and often refined, even though they cannot be called Indian in type. Often there is no painted decoration, and this is an asset, for the Maricopas are no better artists in this line than the Pimas or Papagos.

One pleasing Maricopa pottery form is a bowl, slightly incarved at the top. Another form is an excessively long-necked and small-bodied vase. Again, in unpainted examples, this sometimes has artistic merit. Another favorite Maricopa piece is a bowl with deep crenulations about the rim.

In addition to the polished plain and black decorated styles the Maricopas also make a cream-slipped ware, usually decorating it with black patterns. In all decorated styles the designs are very simple.

Although a Yuman speaking people, the Maricopas do not make the types of pottery peculiar to their language brothers along the Colorado River. The common wares along the river were red on buff or a plain buff ware. Such were made by the Cocopa, Yuma, and Mohave. These tribes make little or no pottery today.

Cocopa pottery is perhaps the crudest made by these river Yuman tribes. Bowls and jars were the most common forms, with smaller pieces prevailing. Straightor almost straight-sided vessels were common. Decoration was red or, sometimes, black on an unslipped surface. Designs may be no more than poorly drawn lines, bands, zigzags, or splotches of paint. Much of the ware was undecorated.

Yuma and Mohave pottery was rather crudely decorated, but it was better done than Cocopa wares. Red on an unslipped buff ground was the chief decorated style. Designs had a lightness about them as solids ware not commonly used. All over repeated patterns were common. Common designs included deep zigzags with the angles filled in; hexagons in outline; and groups of concentric oblongs, solid triangles, or squares. Lines paralleling the main figures and dots between or within figures added to the lightness of design.

The other Yuman-speaking tribes, the Yavapai, Havasupai, and the Walapai make no pottery today. They made little in the past. Their chief ceramic product was an undecorated cooking pot.

Paiutes make no pottery today. Formerly they, too, made cooking vessels and drums of clay. The Paiute pot was characterized by a conical bottom.

Apaches no longer make pottery. However, they did produce some cooking wares and bottles into the early twentieth century. The cooking jars were wide-mouthed and generally bullet-shaped on the bottom. The only decoration on Apache pottery was a fillet of clay around the neck of the vessel. Sometimes this was put on in wavy fashion. These pots were dark grey or black and were never painted or slipped.

Since 1951 Navajos in several limited locales have enjoyed a slight revival of pottery making. Most of this was done for commercial purposes, with the production of small copies of Navajo cooking pots. All through the years this tribe has made a drum of clay. Actually this is nothing more than the bullet-bottomed cook pot headed with a piece of buckskin. These are still common.

Many years ago the Navajo made a decorated ware. On a cream or light tan ground were painted designs in red, reddish brown or black. Designs were basically geometric, simply and often crudely done.

In general it can be said that, with the exception of the Hopis, pottery making among Arizona Indians has declined. Among all tribes it has ceased to be important as a part of native life, for quite generally it has been easier to go to the trading post or store and purchase tin, enamel, or other pots and pans than it is to collect and prepare clay and make, decorate, and bake the same. In some instances tradition has encouraged the use of native pottery, as the bean pot of the Papago or the ceremonial bowl of the Hopi.

Selling pottery, particularly to the white man, has had certain effects on native pottery making. Shapes have become more varied, less refined, and smaller. Decoration has degenerated as a rule. Walls of vessels have become so porous that they will not hold water or, in other words, they have lost their utilitarian value. Pottery made to sell is decorative, pottery made for native consumption remains useful.

SILVER AND JEWELRY

It has often been said that man would rather be fine than clothed. Certainly jewelry appears early in the Southwest and, no matter how poor a tribe may be otherwise, all Arizona tribes have some kind of personal adornment.

Shell and turquoise had an early start here, and they have never lost their popularity. Both have been made into jewelry among all Arizona tribes, although today neither is worn to any degree by any tribes except the Hopi and Navajo. Substitute materials, most particularly the glass bead, are worn by other tribes.

So important and of such long standing are turquoise and shell among the pueblo and Navajos that they are important in their legends and myths. There are the mythical characters, Turquoise Woman and Shell Woman. There is the Sun God, who lives in a beautiful shell house out in the Pacific Ocean, and in his journey across the heavens carries a shield covered with turquoise.

Perhaps these and many other ideas might explain the continued popularity of shell and turquoise among the Hopis and Navajos. Plain disc bands of shell interspersed with chunks of turquoise at intervals form one of the most popular necklaces worn by men and women of these two tribes. A "jacla," or double strand of turquoise is suspended at the bottom of the necklace. Sometimes plain turquoise disc beads may be substituted for the shell.

For a long time turquoise ear drops were worn by men of both Navajo and Hopi tribes, just large chunks of the stone suspended from a string. Conservative members of these two tribes still wear these ear drops. Another type of earring is made by one Hopi man in particular, an old style earring in the form of a mosaic of small pieces of turquoise embedded on a square or rectangle of wood. Another interesting piece which is worn more commonly for ceremonial occasions is a shell with complete or partial mosaic on its rounded surface. This is worn as a pendant.

Early in the eighteenth century coral was introduced into the Southwest. It became popular rapidly, for its color was not unlike that of a stone which had been used for jewelry for centuries. From the beginning, and now, coral has been and is imported from Italy. It has reached the Indian by way of New York import houses and through traders or, less often, by way of Mexico to the traders.

Coral is made into rounded beads or, more often, into tubular types. It has been said that a Navajo will spend a long while trying to match strings of coral until he has many strands all alike. Coral is becoming very precious among the Indians.

Glass beads came into the Southwest by way of white men and at a more recent date than that for coral. They found favor in the eyes of Yuman tribes, Apaches, and Utes. More recently, they have been used by Navajos, particularly in the making of commercial items, such as small figures of weavers, beaded rabbits' feet, and so on.

Although some of the Yuman tribes have also made small beaded objects for sale, some of them did make at least one other piece of greater interest to their own tribal members. Mohaves and Yumas in particular made large collars of different colored beads, combining blue and white, or red and white, or several other colors in a single piece. Designs were woven into these collars including anything from simple geometric themes to an eagle or an American flag, in traditional red, white, and blue! The collar was very important to this tribe, so important, in fact, that it was thought quite necessary that one should be placed on the body of the dead when cremation took place.

The large collar is not so often made today. In very recent years beadworkers have been encouraged to make smaller ones, even chokers. These are simpler and more sophisticated, but preserve nothing of Indian tradition.

When he first acquired glass beads, the Arizona Apache used them sparingly and in good taste. Narrow bands of beadwork to stress features of the buckskin skirt or jacket, or a few beads sewed in a pattern on a buckskin bag these were common usages. In time the Apaches learned to make a simple loom and on it produced bands for hats, belts, or necklaces. The narrowernecklace expanded into a wider one, a T-shaped affair with the hanging part three or four inches in width. It has become customary for the Apache maiden to wear this necklace at her coming out party or puberty rite.

Then came silver. Some time between 1853 and 1867, the Navajos not only acquired this new material, but also quickly developed a taste for it. Reputedly one Atsidi Sani, a Navajo, was the first Southwestern Indian to work in this metal. Whatever the beginning date and whoever the first craftsman, silverworking increased among the Navajos in the 1870's, and gradually spread to other tribes. Interestingly, the only other Arizona tribe to work silver in any quantity is the Hopi.

In early years Navajo smiths used United States coins as the material for making jewelry and a few other items. Then, around 1890, they learned about Mexican coins; also about this time, it became illegal to deface American coins. Most appealing of the Mexican silver was the "dobe dollar," a piece with little alloy in it, therefore easy to work. In time Mexican coins disappearedalso, and silver slugs became the source material. These slugs were about one inch square and about an eight of an inch in thickness. Manufactured in Los Angeles or other cities, the slug reached the Indian by way of the trader. In fact, it was not uncommon for the trader to "farm out" a quantity of silver to a Navajo and the finished product was brought back to the same trader.

During the late twenties and thirties sheet silver began to appear among the Indian smiths. Some deplored the appearance of this raw material and felt that it degraded the craft. However, the Indian had to compete with other users of this time saving material; he could not afford not to use it. Sheer silver came in varying weights, and the better craftsmen uses a heavier or lighter quality according to the piece he is making.

In earlier years the craftsman learned to pull his own wire; now they buy it ready made. They make the small bezels, plain or crenulated, which hold stones in place. About the only task in working silver they have not acquired-nor has the white smith--- is to make the "findings," that is, clasps, earring screws, and the like.

Turquoise used in Indian silver varies greatly. Throughout the history of the craft, both good and bad stones have been used. For many years various mines in New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada supplied much of the turquoise. A beautiful "spider web" stone came from the latter state. With the growing demand for turquoise, other sources were sought. Today, this stone may come from as far away as Persia.

Unfortunately, unscrupulous dealers have sometimes resorted to devious ways of getting turquoise. Faking better color by having a poorer grade of turquoise dyed or grinding a poorer quality stone, dying it, and "recomposing" it are two such methods.

Harder stones are the better stones, for softer ones will absorb the body oils and change color. As far as the Indian is concerned, he may have a personal preference for any color of turquoise from very green to robins' egg blue.

The Navajo started out with two basic techniques, wrought and cast work. Both continue to be followed, although hammered work quite naturally decreased somewhat with the use of sheet silver. Coins or slugs were pounded into the desired shape or size, then the form was finished off with care and decorated.

In casting, the smith sought certain types of soft stone as a mold or made a mold in damp sand. The former is the more common procedure. Two pieces are shaped more or less alike, in a square or rectangle. They are then rubbed together to make both faces smooth. On the face of one is carved, often with a pen knife, the desired design for bracelet, brooch, buckle, or whatever the smith wishes to create. A channel or two connects the design to the end of the stone mold. Soot is sprinkled over the cut-our area to keep the silver from sticking.

The two stones were now tied together. Silver is melted in a crucible which is often no more than a piece of pottery which the smith may have picked up at a prehistoric site. To be sure, smiths have acquired better and better equipment through the years. The molten silver is poured through the channels of the mold and allowed to "set" briefly. Often the casting is removed while it is still hot. It is black, has ragged edges, and at the moment would not seem to hold much promise of beauty.

Now the work of the good craftsman really begins. Rough edges must be clipped off, surfaces must be filed down and sometimes rubbed with emery paper and always with patience. If not well done, the finished surface may be pitted. If the piece is a bracelet or other curved form, it must be bent into shape before the stone is set.

A bit of cardboard may be set into the bottom of the bezel to cushion the stone and a little adhesive added to help it stick. The stone is then put in and the edges of the bezel gently crimped in to hold the stone in position. One or a few larger stones characterize most Navajo silver.

In much Navajo silver, the surfaces are left plain. Not until after white influence became strong did stamping become more popular. In a good piece of Navajo silver, there will be but one or two basic elements used in stamping; a half dozen elements stamped all over the surface is not typical of good Navajo work.

In recent years two new styles of working silver have been developed, channel work and overlay. Channel is a popular Zuni technique, but inasmuch as Navajos often do the silver for the Zuni channel it will be mentioned here. On a base of flat silver is laid out a pattern in thin, upright strips. These strips serve as dividers for the stones which are set into each enclosure. Then stone and silver are buffed off flush. This differs from the Zuni technique of inlay or mosaic in that there are silver strips completely surrounding each stone.

Overlay is practiced by both Hopis and Navajos. Two pieces of sheet silver are cut out in the same shape. In one is cut out the desired design. The second piece is sweated onto the first, and, after subjecting the piece to an acid and buffing it, the cutout area remains black.

The history of forms and designs in Navajo silver is a reflection of the contacts of this tribe. In early years, equipment was crude, therefore the products were crude. Earliest patterns were primarily straight-line, for the cold chisel, the awi and files were used for executing designs. A few dots or small circles might be made.

With the establishment of trading posts in the 1870's, dies were first known. The Indian acquired the metal die from the trader and carved his own pattern on the end. He still does the same. The first die patterns were copied from contemporary Mexican leather stamp designs. In time, of course, a certain amount of originality was expressed in these designs, but some of the oldest have always remained popular, as crescents, chevrons, and several short, parallel lines. The year 1899 is usually cited as the time of the beginning of commercialization of Indian silver. It was at this time that the Fred Harvey system decided that Navajo jewelry would be good to sell on the then popular transcontinental Santa Fe trains. Silver was farmed out to Navajos by this Company, with instructions to make certain pieces of jewelry and to decorate them in certain ways. It is thought that it was at this time that such subjects as snakes, crossed arrows, and the like were suggested to the smiths. At any rate, there was a great spurt in the number of patterns and much all-over stamping, beginning with the turn of the century.

The large mercantile companies in Gallup, New Mexico, followed the Fred Harvey ideas, and a huge white buying public was thus created. Up to this time, the majority of silver craft had been done by Indians for Indians.

In 1910, in Denver, Colorado, the first manufacture of socalled "Indian" jewelry was started. White men did the work. Similar manufacturing developments took place in Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and, in time, in other cities. In some cases, Indians did the work, but an Indian pulling a lever for a mechanical stamp for a whole bracelet does not take the curse off the manufactured nature of the piece.

The Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild was established in 1936. Indians and white men have both been in charge of this group from time to time, but all have had a common purpose in mind: to encourage the continuation of craft arts and to build up quality in materials, technology, and designing. Excellent pieces of craftsmanship have resulted from the efforts of the Guild.

As Navajo smiths are to be found in many and varied situations today, his art also varies. From the farthest corners of their vast Reservation to craft centers in cities, these men ply their trade. Equipment still varies, from the poorest makeshift affairs to the finest Presto-lite torches for soldering that money can buy. Obviously influences brought to bear on the craftsman are equally varied. This is evident in forms and decorations of objects produced.

To go back to the early days of Navajo silversmithing First, there was a limited number of forms, including bracelets, belts, necklaces, and earrings. Bracelets were of three basic types, narrow ones which were rounded on top or triangular in 'crosssection, or wide and flat. These were probably influenced by copper or brass types of similar shapes, some made by Indians, some which came from the Eastern United States where they were made to trade with Indians. Some bracelets were of twisted wire.

Belts were made of "conchas" (literally shells). At first these were round, but they became oval in time. Earlier ones had a diamond-shaped opening in the center. This form is also thought to have come from the East, but the stamped patterns on conchas are more like the Mexican leather designs.

In early years, Navajo men wore large silver loop earrings. These were circles of wire with one or three silver beads at the bottom. Later turquoise drops became more popular with the men, and to this day many of the old "long hairs" still wear them. Earlier the women wore the turquoise drop, then later turned to silver and turquoise earrings. Many Navajo women favor Zunimade earrings with many dangles.

It is thought that the so-called squash blossom necklaces became popular among the Navajos in the 1880's. Many think that this is really a pomegranate blossom and that it came from Spain by way of Mexico to the Southwest. Be that as it may, the early type worn by Navajos was quite long and had many round beads with a few blossoms toward the lower end of the necklace. In time the "naja" was added to make the now popular squash blossom combination.

The naja is basically a crescent-shaped pendant. Some authorities believe that this originated in the crescent moon and star combination suspended from the bridle on the horse's forehead to protect the animal and rider from the effects of the "evil eye." The symbol probably came out of Mexico, from Spain, and on back to the Moors who introduced it into Western Europe. No doubt all symbolism was lost to the Navajo, and it became just another design to him. The great variation on the basic design would bear out the latter point.

In earlier years the horse held great prestige value for the Navajo man. This may explain the earlier popularity of the silver bridle. On many of these old bridles may be found the naja. Bars of silver along the leather, and several conchas are combined to form the bridle. Bridles are rarely made today.

Through the years the above pieces have changed and many new forms have been developed by the Navajo. Today bracelets are wondrously varied. The old styles persist, but many new ones have been added: narrow or wide, heavy or light, wrought or of sheet silver, or cast, with or without stones, plain or stamped. The old style concha belt also is made, but there have been added all conceivable sizes and shapes, and with other variations suggested for bracelets.

Earrings have changed greatly. Button types have become popular. All sorts and sundry dangle forms have been developed, from the more delicate Zuni to the heavier Navajo styles, buttons, which have always been primarily decorative and almost never utilitarian to the Navajo, have become a good item to sell to whites; therefore they have become varied in sizes, shapes, and decoration. A plain silver button, with a little stamping on it, has been the best product in this line. Small canteens, possibly copies of tobacco canteens, were the first "curio" item produced, late in the nineteenth century, for soldiers stationed on the Navajo Reservation. Supposedly copies of copper ones, which were in turn copies of rawhide originals, they are seldom made today.

When Navajo ceased to use the bow and arrow, it occurred to them to decorate the bow guard and wear it as an ornament. These became popular among the young fellows in particular. This is one object which the Indian seldom makes to sell. Cast bow guards or kerows (getos) are attractively made and decorated. Usually rectangular in form, there is the balance and rhythm in designing which is so characteristic of the work of this tribe. Rings, brooches, buckles all of these forms have developed through the years. Rings usually have stones in then, although in recent years plain cast or stamped rings have been made to sell. Rings with single stones have been popular with Navajo men, while the women favor multiple stones, particularly arranged in rosette style.

Buckles may be cast, with smooth and highly polished surface, or stamped, and/or set with stones. Pins or brooches are similar.

Within the past thirty years the Navajo has branched our in his silver craft to include a much greater variety of forms. Boxes large and small, flar table silver, hollow ware, or almost any "special orders" which may come their way will be executed by the smith. The ideas of white man may be incorporated in the new piece or the white man's idea may be but the springboard for a Navajo creation.

In the best Navajo work there is still a feeling of massiveness, there are well finished surfaces, large plain areas, and excellernt craftsmanship throughout. In silver he expresses his innate feeling for design and plain areas, simplicity of pattern, pleasing form.

Some time after 1890 the Hopi Indians learned to do silver work. The story goes that a Zumi taught a First Mesa man by the name of Sikyatala. This Hopi then taught his fellow tribesmen the craft of silvermaking. There have been few Hopi smiths and they have not been able to supply enough jewelry for their own tribesmen. Therefore, through the years, the Hopis have continued to trade with the Navajos and Zunis for silver.

Up to the year 1938 the Hopis had never developed distinctive designing in silver. They had copied and rebashed Navajo and Zami ideas and remained without any tradition of their own. At this time the Muscum of Northern Arizona began to encourage them to adapt patterns from their own pottery, baskets, and textiles. Some work was done along this line.

After World War II the Hopi Indians set up an on-the-job training program. They employed two of their tribesmen: Fred Kabotie to design and Paul Saufki to teach silver craft. Both of these Hopis were experts in their respective fields. They turned out some fine smiths, and some of these men, along with a few others, continue to produce silver jewelry.

Prior to this venture the Hopi silversmith was interested in the production of a limited number of small pieces of jewelry, namely buttons, bracelets, and rings. They have branched out not only in a greater variety of these things but also have developed a few new forms. Necklaces, including very modern appearing chokers, bow guards, belts, and brooches are among the newer forms.

In many instances the Hopis are doing an outstanding job of adapting the old designs to the new forms of silver. The rhythmic and flowing patterns which they have used for centuries have become quite sophisticated in the new material, silver. Bear paws, wing designs, other life themes, and geometric patterns are used in many ways.

All earlier Hopi jewelry followed Navajo and Zuni styles of handling materials as well as in design. The simpler Navajo wrought work was favored, using fewer and larger stones and a small amount of stamping. With the influence from the Museum of Northern Arizona, and the later post-World War II venture, the Hopi smiths began to favor the overlay technique. (Some call this applique.) This technique quite definitely emphasizes pattern, and is most effective in the hands of the Hopi craftsman, If the 1959 Gallup Indian Ceremonial is any indication, then silver craft is not on its way out. The Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild and several traders' displays were outstanding and would have bid fair for top spots in any modern exhibit of handcrafts anywhere in the world.

KACHINAS

The word kachina is a very much misunderstood term. It refers to the carved wooden doll of the Hopi and other pueblo tribes. It is the costumed and usually masked dancer of the same groups. And, among these Indians, kachina refers to lesser supernaturals who are intermediaries between man and the gods. Some of the supernatural beings are spirits of the dead. The dancers are these supernatural beings when they mask and costume themselves and perform in the villages.Dolls are made by the men and presented to the children by the gift giving kachinas. This is part of the religious education of the child, showing him the masks, body paint, and costumes of the kachina, Thus he will know certain of the kachinas when they perform in the village plaza. Kachinas are very important to know about, for their main motive in coming to the village is to bring rain.

Clouds are associated with kachinas. One pleasant legend has it that these spirits gather on the upper sides of the clouds and spill jars of water through the clouds so that the pueblo Indians will have rain.

Among the Hopis, the Kachina season. begins on the last day of the winter solstice rites. The kachinas come into the villagesand stay from January into Jaly. In the latter month, at the time of the Home Dance, they bid farewell to the Hopis and return to their homes on top of the San Francisco Peaks or other high mountains until the next year.

As kachinas may be either dropped or added from time to time, it is obvious that the number is difficult to establish.

Colton has established six classes of Hopi kachinas. First are the Chief or Mong kachinas. These take the principal part in major ceremonies which last nine days. The ceremonies include among others, the Bean Dance in February and the Home Dance in July. It seems that these are ancient kachinas, having been among the Hopis and their ancestors for many generations. Although most of them are beneficial, some are ogres who threaten the children and make them conform; actually, they are important disciplinarians in the villages.

A second category includes the clowns such as the mudheads. They offer comic relief in the more serious rites. Sometimes they will mimic the actions of white men, pretending to be a photog rapher, or a doctor, or whatever strikes their fancy.

Third are the Runner Kachinas. They run races with Hopi men. If the man wins, he is given presents. If the kachina wins, he may strip the man of his clothing, or cover him with mud, or cut his bair. This kachina makes it worthwhile for the Hopi boy to stay in good condition and to be a good runner.

There are single or paired kachinas who appear in several rites. They seem to form a less important fourth category.

A fifth class is comprised of "groups of kachinas." Fifteen to thirty dancers appear together in one-day ceremonies, and they are often elaborately masked and costumed. With them are the kachin-manas, the sixth and last group. Kachin-manas are female kachinas who are impersonated by the men. Most of them are alike in dress and masks; they can be distinguished only by their actions and by the groups they accompany. There are several types of masks worn by kachinas. The mask is the most important part of the dancer's outfit, and the distinguishing element. It has been noted that if a Hopi artist paints a kachina figure, he gives the mask the greatest attention and care.

The helmet mask is the most common. It is a cylinder of leather, formerly of buckskin. There are some masks which cover the face alone. There are others which cover the upper half of the face while the lower half is concealed by a beard of hair or feathers. Some masks are circular in form and made of baskets. And a spherical sock mask is often made of an old felt hat! Details of masks are wondrous and varied. At the sides of the head may appear horns (or one horn only), cars of various sorts, hair, feathers or even flowers. Above the mask may appear anything from simple tufts of feathers to the most elaborate "tableta" superstructure. A tableta is usually made up of carved and painted slats of wood, with the top-most portions fitted with feathers. Hair or wool may also ornament the top of the mask. Painting of the mask is highly symbolic and standardized. In fact, some of the more important masks are the same or very similar to masks which are painted on the walls of prehistoric kivas (ceremonial chambers). Less important kachinas (and many in this category are thought to have been invented late in the nineteenth century) show some variation, but still there is an adherence to certain requirements.Eyes may be painted in round or rectangular form, or they may be pot hooks or half moons. Sometimes they are carved of wood and extend beyond the mask like pop-eyes. The nose may be simply painted on or carved; it is seldoru realistic. The mouth may be painted as a triangle, square, circle, or other simple forin or it may be carved. Tubular mouths are common; there are also beaks, large and small, and snouts.

Painting often occurs on the cheeks and, is quite varied. Common designs are animal and bird tracks, celestial symbols, vegetable symbols (particularly corn), and phallic symbols. Quite important are the symbols for clouds, lightning, moon, stars, and. sun.

Many kachina dancers wear a ruff about the neck, just below the mask. This may be a fox skin, a cloth roll, or a green bough. Douglas fir or juniper branches are used for the green ruff.

Kachina costumes vary. The most common and the traditional type consists of their own hand woven, cotton pieces: a white kilt with embroidered edges, a white sash with brocaded ends, the woman's belt in red, green, and black (and sometimes, in addition, the white braided sash), and a fox skin attached to the back of the waist. Moccasins are usually worn.The body of the kachina dancer is often painted. This, too, varies. A few examples would include the following: all-over circles; zigzags on the upper body; left arm and right leg one color and the opposite members another color; light colored human hands on a dark ground; or the entire body painted some color.

All kachinas carry some objects or have some additional items attached to the body. They may carry in their hands such things as rattles, bow and arrows, or crooks. Often a bit of green bough may be tucked in an armband; yarn ties may occur at wrists, elbow, knee, or ankle; or a shell rattle is attached back of the knee or bells attached to arm or leg. Jewelry is often worn, including bracelets, bow guards, necklaces, and other pieces. Many of these objects have some ceremonial significance.

The kachina doll is carved as accurately as possible, in copy of the original dancer. The carver may simplify certain details, but the mask is given particular attention and care. In fact, the features by which the kachina is identified are always delineated. Drift cottonwood root is the material used for the doll. Sections are cut off with a saw and roughed out with a chisel; a pen knife is used in the actual carving. Wood rasp and a chunk of sandstone are then used in smoothing and finishing the surface.

If additions are to be made, such as ears, horns, or snout, then these are attached to the doll with tiny slivers of wood. A heavy layer of kaolin is put over the entire doll, to serve as a white ground for the colors which will then be added.

Native colors or poster paints may be used. The latter are bright in color but have a tendency to fade. The native colors are made from hematite for red, limonite for yellow, and white from kaolin as mentioned above; these are the same paints used for decorating the dancers' bodies. Some other colors, vegetal or mineral, are sometimes used. The final touches are then added, feathers, bits of cloth or fur, and perhaps fresh greenbough.

Dolls made for Hopi children tend to be simpler and more reserved. In recent years, some doll makers have branched out considerably, particularly in kachinas which they are making to sell to white men. Some of the latter are quite fully modeled, even to a show of muscles. Action may be introduced, too, while the majority of dolls for the Hopis proper tend to be static.

reserved. In recent years, some doll makers have branched out considerably, particularly in kachinas which they are making to sell to white men. Some of the latter are quite fully modeled, even to a show of muscles. Action may be introduced, too, while the majority of dolls for the Hopis proper tend to be static.

The Hopis make an interesting "doll" for their babies. It is nothing more than a flat, rectangular piece of wood, several inches long, crudely carved and painted. Only essential details are given. Some think these may be similar to the first kachinas carved, possibly beginning back in prehistoric days.

The kachina dolls just described are made solely by Hopi Indians as far as the Arizona tribes are concerned. Zunis and other New Mexico puebloans formerly made them, and perhaps some still do in a limited fashion. In recent years, several Navajo men have attempted carving wooden dolls which offer interesting contrast to the kachina.

The Navajo carved figures represent the "yei," intermediaries between men and gods. Generally these are carved in the full round, having none of the cylindrical form of so many Hopi kachinas. Detail is quite similar with costume, masks, and ritual paraphernalia well represented. Most of these dolls have often been carved in sets comprising specific dance groups. Some Navajo feather dancers have also been carved in wood.

MISCELLANEOUS CRAFTS

There is a multitude of miscellaneous craft items made by the native Arizonans which may or may not linger into the present. Formerly, of course, the Indian had to provide himself with all of his equipment, tools, weapons, implements, and ceremonial paraphernalia. No metals were used natively; rarely have they been substituted for the stone, wood, bone, and horn used so abundantly. Several interesting items survive in the way of tools and weapons. The bow and arrow, so important in hunting and warfare in earlier years, are still made, but for quite a different reason. Some still serve for ceremonial occasions, as they are carried in the dance, but many more bows and arrows are made to sell to white men.

For native use, saplings of mountain mahogany, juniper, or other plants or trees were cut about three to four feet in length for a bow. The wood was worked so that it would be a little thicker in the middle, and notches were cut at the ends for the strings. Sometimes a curve was induced into the bow by placing it over hot ashes, steaming, and tying the curve. The bow was smoothed by rubbing with sandstone. Navajos and Apaches introduced a sinew-backed bow, a bow reinforced with strips of sinew glued to the back.

Straight pieces of hard wood such as sumac or wild current, were used for arrows. The bark was scraped off and the arrow smoothed as was the bow. Often the arrow was painted, some say with distinguishing marks. The wood itself was pointed for smaller game; otherwise stone points were secured to the wood shaft with sinew. Hawk feathers were often used on the opposite end of the arrow. Another interesting native weapon is the Hopi throwing stick, often called a rabbit stick. It is slightly curved, like the boomerang, but it does not return after thrown. The stick might be cut with a hand hold at one end. These sticks were smoothed and, sometimes, painted. Hopi boys and men were very adept with this throwing stick.

Stone knives were formerly common; they survive only as rare ceremonial items. Water worn stones are still used by some Arizona women to polish their pottery. Axes and hammers of stone have been replaced by more efficient metal types. Unaltered stones of unusual shapes or character may appear in the sacred pouch of the medicine man, as the quartz crystal of the Navajo ceremonialist.

Stone metates and manos, used for centuries in grinding corn, are still employed for the same purpose. Apaches often acquire theirs from prehistoric sites. Hopis embed flat surfaced metates in clay in a stone lined bin, usually three in a row. Stone mortars and pestles, often of small size, are sometimes requisite for the preparation of minerals or other substances for ceremonial usage.

Wooden planting and weeding sticks were used for cultiva-tion in the Indian Southwest. Conservative Hopis have used these tools up to recent years. The planting stick is a more or less straight stick, about four feet in length, with one end sharpened and hardened in the fire. A hole is poked into the ground with the stick and the seeds dropped in. This is a useful device for the Hopis plant corn ten to fifteen inches deep. The weeding stick is blade-like.

One of the most interesting objects of stone made by the Hopi man is a piki stone-and it is an art to make one, too. Piki is a ceremonial bread, thin as a sheet of paper, made from colored corn.

A fine and uniform grained sandstone is used, of just the right thickness. This is formed into an oblong, about fifteen by twenty inches. The natural ripples of the sandstone are worked smooth with a harder stone, then follows a rubbing with a finer grained stone and chewed cotton seed, which gives distinct smoothness to the piki stone. It is now heated on a very slow fire. When hot, it is covered with crushed watermelon seeds. The oil from the seeds penetrates the stone, then it is allowed to cool. A final polishing gives a waxy smoothness to the stone. It is now ready for use.

Navajos and Hopis still make and wear moccasins. Many Apaches have done so until recent years. Buckskin is the material used by all these tribes for the upper part of the moccasin. Formerly elk hide was used for the sole; today cow hide is the common material.

The skin can be easily scraped if it is done as soon as removed from the animal. Otherwise it must be soaked for five days or more, then the hair and epidermis can be removed by scraping with a butcher knife. Tanning is done with a solution of cooked brains of cow, horse, or sheep; formerly deer brains were used. Then the skin is worked and pulled and stretched with hands and feet. The skin is now white in color. Hopis use such skins for making knee-length boots for the women, to be worn for ceremonials.

To dye the skin the soft brown-red favored by Navajos and Hopis, it is first subjected to a good soaking in a solution made from the ashes of either the saltbush or the leaves of the juniper. Then, over the outstretched skin is spread a solution made from the bark of the roots of mountain mahogany and the bark of the trunk or branches of black alder. The skin is now sprinkled with powdered alder bark and left in the sun to dry. After it is dry, it is redampened and stretched and worked again to soften it.

The buckskin uppers are then sewed to the hide soles. By manipulating the stitches, the sole is pulled up a bit to better protect the foot. The Navajos cut the moccasin upper in a single piece while the Hopis cut it in two pieces, one for the tongue and a second for a wrap-around. Both tribes sew moccasins with an awl, using sinew.

Drums and rattles are the main musical instruments of the Arizona Indians. Pueblo Indians make drums of hollowed sections of cottonwood or aspen logs, covering the ends with horse or goat hide. The hide is put on wet and laced into position with thongs. The Hopi drum is sometimes a bit more squat in dimensions than some. Navajo drums are made of pottery with the end covered with skin. Apaches may sometimes tie a whole skin over one end of a container such as a small metal keg.

Rattles are used, or have been used, by all Arizona tribes. The gourd rattle is the most common, generally used plain. Some do paint it, however, either in solid colors or with designs. One illustration of a Navajo rattle showed various constellations perforated into the surface of a gourd.

Notched resonators have been more common among Pimas and Papago tribes than among the puebloans. A stick has notches cut across it throughout its length, it is then rested on an overturned basket or some hollow affair, and a second stick is run over the notched one.

Flutes were used by many tribes. Yumas made cane flutes which they decorated with geometric designs. Apaches made and used a nose flute. The flute is employed in some pueblo ceremonies.

There are, of course, many other lesser crafts still practiced by Arizona Indian tribes. These would include baby cradles, made and used by Navajos, Apaches, and Hopis. Cloth dolls are made in large quantities for sale to White men. There are other objects too numerous to mention.

LOOKING FORWARD

In looking forward, Arizona Indian arts and crafts do have a future. They are not going to continue in the old and traditional ways, for the life of the Indian is changing. Those craft arts which are flourishing today are the ones which are catering to the white man. Hopi baskets, Navajo silver and rugs are good examples of this situation.

The Indian is capable with his hands. He is imaginative. Adaptation of his craft to satisfy the esthetic demands of white man has been on a high level. His crafts of tomorrow may go farther afield from his tradition, but they need not deviate from the high artistic levels of centuries past. The Indian crafts of tomorrow will still be Indian though they may not reflect his direct heritage.